New Age Islam Edit Bureau
03 August 2017
Why India and Pakistan Love Each
By Mrutyuanjai Mishra
Why Freedom Must Survive
By Kuldip Nayar
Pakistan’s Game of Thrones
By T.C.A. Raghavan
In Pakistan, Pure Misogyny Or Pure
By Jyoti Malhotra
Judicial Coup In Pakistan: Letter Of
The Law, Not Its Spirit, Is At Work
By Rezaul H. Laskar
Mind and Meditation
By Swami Chaitanya Keerti
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
Why India and Pakistan Love Each Other
August 2, 2017
India and Pakistan are soon going to
celebrate their 70th birthday. The addition of a zero, an invention of the
Asian subcontinent, makes birthdays a bit more special not just in Asia but
also in Europe. The parties are fancier, louder, and more guests are invited in
many European countries if you turn 70 than when you turned 69. So this is a
special year. And both our countries will catch the attention of the
The Economist has already published an
article titled, “Why India and Pakistan hate each other”, to mark our 70th
birthday. The article is fair and does mention that even though the population
of India is six times that of Pakistan and its economy eight times as big, it
has shown restraint and not given in to provocations from Pakistan.
Well, that is how an elder brother behaves.
On the way back from school, when the younger brother throws his school bag and
throws a fit, the elder brother behaves responsibly, hoping that when they get
home he will say sorry and they will be friends again.
After 70 years of partition, an unnecessary
partition, the peoples of Pakistan and India have to realize that the option of
loving each other is better than of hating each other. The partition was based
on a bogus premise: religion was more important than language. So one Punjab
was divided into two, one went to Pakistan and became the most powerful state
in the country, and the other remained in India. One Bengal was divided into
two. One, which was the industrial center, remained in India and the more
agrarian part of Bengal became Pakistan and later Bangladesh.
How naïve were those who thought that
religion was more important than language. A month ago, I was listening to a
programme in which a human-rights activist based in UK, Salil Tripathi, was
invited. He mentioned that he was writing a book on Gujaratis, and I cannot
wait to read that book. While giving an introduction to what he wanted to
write, he mentioned that Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was
better at Gujarati than at Urdu. Even though Salil Tripathi did not mention
that, my guess is that Mahatma Gandhi was better at Gujarati than at Hindi. So
both the leaders of Pakistan and India at that time were versatile in Gujarati.
But they failed to understand that they had a lot in common. Gandhi, of course,
never wanted the partition, but those of us who remained in India and learned
Gujarati could easily have had good conversations with Mohammed Ali Jinnah.
When I meet members of the Pakistani
migrant community, I find an utter love for Hindi movies and the Hindi
language. They are able to mention the names of Indian actors and films with
far more accuracy than I can. If you consider the linguistic capacity of
humorous shows produced in Karachi, then you feel ashamed as an Indian at the
lack of proficiency in Hindi/Urdu of the modern Indian actors, who get roles
for their looks and less for their mastery of language.
Why can´t we bring a few actors and
actresses from Pakistan and let them bring some linguistic proficiency to our
Indian films? After all, they are equally big consumers of the films as we are.
After 70 years of partition, Pakistanis on an average are better at Hindi/Urdu
than we could ever imagine. No they are not speaking Arabic despite the flow of
billions of petrodollars from the Gulf. They remained loyal to their cultural
heritage. This is what love is about. The cultural bonding between India and
Pakistan is so strong that I laugh more at Pakistani prank shows and enjoy with
equal pleasure when I hear Urdu poems and talk shows from Pakistan with
impeccable mastery of Hindi and Urdu. Hindi and Urdu connect our hearts and
English has become the de facto official language in both our countries. We mix
English with Hindi and speak Hinglish the same way the Pakistanis speak their
Tomorrow as millions will watch the quarterfinals
of a girls´ football match, a girl from Afghanistan, Nadia Nadim, will
represent Denmark against Austria. She is not only a football player in
Denmark. She is a medical student, too, and speaks 7 languages fluently,
including Hindi and Urdu. A girl who probably has never lived in Pakistan and
India speaks Hindi and Urdu. Isn´t this a fantastic example of cultural
I hope that history begins from here for
India and Pakistan. For the people of
Indus the number 7 has tremendous significance. After 70 years, those of us who
have an open heart have realized that what we have in common has far more
significance than our differences. How can we enjoy it when an ordinary
Pakistani who speaks, walks, talks and dances like us lives a painful life?
Can we really rejoice when their democracy
is in the doldrums? We have the social media, a huge Indian and Pakistani
diaspora have settled abroad and they are able to see the striking similarity
that is in our humor and our cultural habits.
In the next 70 years, I think India and
Pakistan will not only become friends but maybe close partners. In the coming
70 years, we should be more rigorous in demanding that religious mullahs,
priests, pundits and instigators who cause communal riots should be asked to
We should start by building one large
university where both Hindi and Urdu could be the subject of scholarship, and
students from both countries should be encouraged to study there. Let us build
institutions of peace, let poetry and shayari be the foundation of our new
friendship. The international community can help by insisting that the army
stay in the barracks and stop hiding terrorists in their backyards. No prime
minister, including Nawaz Sharif, has been allowed to finish their term in the
entire history of Pakistan. This is a shame. They are toppled when they want to
stretch out the hand of friendship.
It is time for the peoples of both
countries to realize that the enmity between them is causing pain and poverty
in both countries and the beneficiaries are the arms dealers and the Chinese.
China has succeeded in keeping people divided in order to maximize their
influence. It has succeeded in keeping India and Pakistan from being friends
and North and South Korea, which are also the same people and have the same
language, from becoming one.
India and Pakistan could become the true
champions of peace in the coming years.
August 3, 2017
I vainly search for my favourite television
anchors like Karan Thapar and Barkha Dutt. I am told that they have been taken
Who has done this is a matter of
conjecture. Some say that it is the pressure of the Narendra Modi government
while a few others lament that it was the doing of the owners of the channel.
Whoever has done it has acted as the censor.
What surprises me is the absence of
protests. In my time, there would be noise or meetings to point out that the
press have been muzzled or that critics have been silenced.
Of course, it was a different story when
the emergency was imposed, but before that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi would
not dare move against the press. She would look for supporters - and there were
quite a few - but the number of critics was also large. I recall that after
imposing censorship in 1975-77, she triumphantly said that not a dog had
barked! This hurt me as much as other journalists.
We gathered at the Press Club - the number
was 103 - and passed a resolution to criticize censorship. Information Minister
V.C. Shukla, who knew me well, rang up to warn that “each one of you” would be
put behind bars. This actually happened and I, too, was detained for three
That period surfaced once again before my
eyes when Taslima Nasreen remarked the other day that “very few opposition
voices are heard in the world’s largest democracy.”
She had been confined to Aurangabad after
leaving Kolkata. She is from Bangladesh and the fundamentalists there drove her
out because she wrote the book, Lajja (Shame), narrating the plight of Hindu
women at the hands of fundamentalists in her country.
It is a slur on Indian democracy that she
cannot live in a city of her choosing. I am told that a few days ago she left
for Aurangabad but was sent back. I do not want to dwell any further on this
incident but what I have in mind is the danger to our democracy.
An emergency-like situation can prevail
without actually being imposed.
The RSS has been successful in removing the
liberal heads of various educational institutions. I followed the case of Nehru
Memorial Centre and found to my horror the disappearance of familiar liberal
people. Still the case of Taslima Nasreen is there, unexplained.
This looks like the fatwa against Salman
Rushdie by Iran for having written the book, Satanic Verses, which raised
questions against Islam. The Indian nation has to be vigilant all the time
because it has gone through a period of 19 months of censorship.
The press overdid it because as BJP leader,
L.K. Advani said: "You were asked to bend but began to crawl." To a
large extent, Advani was right. Journalists were afraid of being arraigned by
the Indira Gandhi government. Today, it is the other way round.
The press has been saffronised and except
the odd voices in print and electronic media, it is at the beck and call of the
people in power. There is very little difference between then and now because
survival is the uppermost in the minds of newspapers or television channel owners
NDTV is under pressure because its owner
Pronnoy Roy had taken a loan. But the CBI registered a case against RRPR
Holding Private Limited, Pranoy Roy, his wife Radhika and unidentified
officials of ICICI Bank of criminal conspiracy, cheating and corruption.
The government may find some ways to harass
Karan Thapar and Barkha Dutt because of their long association with television.
They had been the most vociferous anchors taking up the cause of aggrieved
people. Obviously, it was not to the liking of the establishment.
The pressure must have been enormous on the
channels to drop both. How do we bring back the environment of freedom?
That is the question facing the nation
today. Journalists are afraid to speak up lest they should annoy the owners.
What happened during the Emergency should not happen now.
Then the Press had failed miserably.
What nailed Nawaz Sharif was a fishing
expedition and a stray unconnected piece of information that turned up was
sufficient. That indeed was the purpose of these constitutional provisions.
The impending 70th anniversary of the
creation of Pakistan has been upstaged by the disqualification of an incumbent
prime minister on July 28. This juncture is made more poignant by the fact that
Nawaz Sharif was in his third term, that this was his third dismissal and
cumulatively he has been Pakistan’s longest serving prime minister but like his
predecessors had not completed a full term. July has other significant memories
too. This year was the 40th anniversary (July 5) of General Zia ul Haq’s coup
unseating Prime Minister Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto. It was also the 10th anniversary
of the bloody siege of the Lal Masjid in Islamabad. Both these events are not
unrelated to the unseating of Nawaz Sharif.
Some of the violence Zia inflicted on
Pakistan’s Constitution was erased by Pakistan’s subsequent brief democratic
interludes. Some features proved impossible to remove and two which persisted
were provisions that elected representatives be truthful and righteous —
“Sadiq” and “Ameen”. To the bench that unseated Nawaz Sharif, a non-disclosure
in his 2013 election nomination of remuneration he received from one of his
son’s companies meant that he failed this test. In the end, the Joint
Investigation Team with Military Intelligence and ISI representation need not
have gone into the Panama revelations at all. What nailed Nawaz Sharif was a fishing
expedition and a stray unconnected piece of information that turned up was
sufficient. That indeed was the purpose of these constitutional provisions.
The bloody end to the Lal Masjid siege
(July 10, 2007) had unleashed a wave of terrorist attacks in Pakistan from
which no institution and no person appeared safe. The Pakistan army itself
appeared ineffective as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan consolidated itself in
the tribal areas and launched attacks virtually at will across the length and
breadth of the country. When Nawaz Sharif assumed office in 2013, the army’s
position in public esteem was possibly lower than it had been in the preceding
decade-and-a-half, if not longer. This was because of the shame of the Osama
bin Laden raid but also because it appeared to be just standing by as the
constant stream of terror attacks continued. Nawaz Sharif, in contrast, was
stronger than a prime minister had been in Pakistan for a long time: He
appointed a close supporter as president, saw through both the COAS who had
been in position for six years and also an activist and ambitious chief
The launch of Zarb-e-Azb in mid-2014 and
the intensity it acquired from December 2014 (after the Peshawar school attack)
reversed this trend. As the army’s stock grew, so did civil-military jostling
that continued through Nawaz Sharif’s tenure. That the odds were stacking up
against him was evident as he encountered markedly higher levels of
difficulties in addressing his favourite ideas — an improvement of relations with
India being high up in them.
On the surface, two institutions evidently
played a key role in Nawaz Sharif’s unseating — the judiciary and the media.
The role of the judiciary in eroding democratic norms in Pakistan is not new
and stretches back to the 1950s.Yet from 2007 onwards, things had appeared to
be changing as a movement of judges and lawyers empowered itself through
resisting military and extra-constitutional ingress. Pakistan’s media too
acquired greater autonomy than ever before through much the same process. But
it would also be a fair assessment that both these institutions have had to
accommodate themselves to the rising public esteem of the Pakistan military as
it battled, from late 2014 onwards, domestic terrorists with a ferocity and intensity
that soothed public opinion ravaged by years of terrorist violence.
The Pakistan army also went to very great
lengths to internalise a media strategy as the most effective means of
interfacing and then influencing public opinion. The size and, even more so,
the media outreach of the Inter Services Press Relations wing of the army
increased in tandem with the intensity of its anti-terror operations. It is
useful to recall that the “establishment” or the “deep state” in Pakistan is
not simply a group of individuals or a bundle of institutions plotting the
future gathered around a table. It is also an inclination and a way of
thinking. In this view, the risk was too great of Nawaz Sharif riding the
optimism of a downturn in terrorist attacks, a relative upswing in economic
feel-good and reaping the benefits in the 2018 election.
Nawaz Sharif’s final denouement came not
just by a judicial process that started with the leak of the Panama Papers. He
lost a complex and prolonged chess game that started relatively early in his
tenure and to which his own forced and unforced errors also greatly
contributed. If Nawaz Sharif’s unseating is the end of one road it is also the
beginning of another. He is the unquestioned charismatic head of a party which
has deep political roots and deeper pockets. Just leaving him be is not an
option. The period up to the 2018 election will now see a no-holds-barred
contestation between him and his party on the one hand and the full array of
opposing forces seemingly led by Imran Khan.
One theatre of action will be the National
Accountability Bureau — Musharraf’s favourite instrument to bring recalcitrant
politicians into line. It now stands mandated by the Supreme Court to complete
the Panama Papers inquiry into the Sharif family in six months, that is, before
the general election. It is presently packed with Nawaz Sharif appointees.
Waiting in the wings to open another front is another old army proxy: The
Canadian Pakistani preacher Tahir ul Qadri, who seeks to be PM-to-be Shahbaz
Sharif’s nemesis as much as Imran Khan is Nawaz Sharif’s.
The main action, however, will be in the
towns and villages of Punjab where Nawaz Sharif’s party will see if the slogan
of having been wronged thrice strikes a chord. In each of these fronts will be
the brooding presence of the army. That it is now reduced to having to move through
unpredictable and eccentric instruments is as good a reading as any of the
state of Pakistan today.
Imran Khan himself darkly tweeted, ‘My
challenge to Sharif-MSR mafia is: Do your worst; stoop as low as you can.”
Pakistan is in the middle of a raging
misogynist battle, with a former member of Imran Khan’s Tehreek-i- Inssaaf
(PTI) party, Ayesha Gulalai, accusing Khan of sending her obscene text messages
from his Blackberry since 2013, in the full knowledge that the messages could
not be hacked and daring him to make them public.
The former cricketer and PTI chief retaliated
by fielding several party women legislators – as well as male politicians – who
sought to discredit Gulalai by asking why she hadn’t come clean before, and
whether her accusations against Imran Khan were timed to defame and prevent him
from becoming the main beneficiary of the political crisis in which Nawaz
Sharif was disqualified last week.
Imran Khan himself darkly tweeted, ‘My
challenge to Sharif-MSR mafia is: Do your worst; stoop as low as you can; me
& my struggle-hardened party will become ever stronger IA’
The alleged sexual escapade has certainly
thrown the ongoing political crisis out of gear – even if it is for the moment.
Ayesha Gulalai is being repeatedly asked whether she is now joining Sharif’s
Pakistan Muslim League (N) party – the implication being, for services rendered
— and why she had lied about asking Imran Khan for a ticket to a general seat
in the National Assembly (she is currently on a woman’s quota).
Others, including some senior women
journalists, wanted to know why Ms Gulalai was still not releasing the
so-called incriminating messages by Imran Khan. Perhaps it was a case of a love
affair gone sour? Certainly, pity was the strongest emotion that surfaced while
watching several PTI women legislators attempting to defend Khan and trash
Ayesha Gulalai in the bargain.
Certainly, there’s not a moment when
Pakistan is not in ferment. Assassinations, martial law, creeping coups and
judicial dictatorships not only keep that country, but the entire region, on
the edge of its seat, waiting with bated breath for the next roll of the dice.
Nothing like an alleged sexual distraction, though, to spice things up a bit
and provide some dramatic relief, of course at the expense of the woman in
Perhaps the worst commentary came from Fawad
Chaudhury, former journalist and PTI spokesperson who wanted to know why Ayesha
Gulalai’s sister was “running around in shorts” and whether this was part of
Pakistan’s culture. Responding to an uncritical questioner on Neo TV, Chaudhury
kept saying that Gulalai had allowed herself to be “used” (“Istemaal”) over the
last 24-48 hours, meaning she had been put up to doing this by Nawaz Sharif’s
Chaudhury’s utterly unseemly and gratuitous
references to “beghairat”, or honour, left the viewer not in the slightest
doubt that Gulalai’s mark had hit home. Imran Khan’s reputation of being an
international playboy refuses to go away, notwithstanding the amazing work he
has put in to raise from scratch a cancer hospital in Pakistan as well as
manufacture a political party that is giving Nawaz Sharif a run for its money.
In fact, barely three days after Sharif was
disqualified by the Supreme Court, Imran Khan brought Islamabad to a halt with
a rally that hasn’t been seen in these parts before for some time. Zebunissa
Burki, a senior editor at The News, put it succintly on Facebook : “Yes, you are free to have doubts over what
(Gulalai) saying. No, it doesn’t mean its a given that she’s lying just because
she didn’t come forward earlier. Yes, Imran Khan has the right to ask for an
investigation. And no, that doesn’t mean she was a) asking for it, b) had asked
Imran to marry her, c) got money from the PML-N and d) has disrespected
‘Pakhtun’ tradition. We don’t get to comment on her father or her sister or
their ‘izzat’,” Burki said.
Meanwhile, Gulalai is being supported by a
handful of women parliamentarians, including Bushra Gohar of the Awami National
Party and Sherry Rehman and Nafisa Shah of the Pakistan People’s Party.
Tonight, the Speaker of the National Assembly is said to have ordered an
investigation into the whole matter.
Certainly, in large parts of South Asia,
the shame of sexual harassment still largely devolves upon the woman who is
attacked, instead of the attacker. Does this mean that Gulalai has demonstrated
extraordinary courage by going public about the alleged obscenities ? Or is she
a conniving woman who came to the party four years too late ? Whether or not
she is innocent or complicit, fact is the trolls on Twitter are already
showering her with the choicest abuse.
Sooner than later, the truth will out.
Whether Gulalai’s accusations will be consigned to the dustbin of ordinary
titillation or whether Imran Khan has been caught and bowled in a cunning trap,
fact is sexuality in South Asia is still circumscribed by the old codes. It
makes you wonder about gender, stereotyping and politics and why, across the
rough and tumble of the subcontinent, women who want to enter politics must
increasingly be the daughters and wives of famous politicians? Think of what
Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sheikh Hasina have in
common besides their gender?
Perhaps the Ayesha Gulalai episode will
blow over tomorrow, having fulfilled its main criterion, as PTI leaders say, of
dragging Imran Khan through the mud. They insist the mud wont stick and point
out that the PML(N) is increasingly nervous about its chances to remain in
power. They believe the former cricketer and sex symbol will be the next prime
minister of Pakistan.
Certainly, Gulalai’s comments have added a
certain frisson of excitement to the ongoing political crisis. Even though
Nawaz Sharif is down –- although no one knows for certain yet whether he is
permanently disqualified or not – his party still has a majority in the
National Assembly. For Imran Khan to be targeted in a sex scandal certainly
indicates that the Sharif brothers are concerned about his backers, in front or
behind the Purdah.
The political roller-coaster in Pakistan
Judicial Coup In Pakistan: Letter Of The
Law, Not Its Spirit, Is At Work
Aug 03, 2017
The Pakistan Supreme Court’s ruling
disqualifying thrice-elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been described by
experts as a “judicial coup”, a major blow to efforts to strengthen the
country’s fragile democracy.
Much of the world community’s efforts to
strengthen democracy in Pakistan have focussed on the powerful military and
political parties. But it’s time to take a closer look at the outsize reach of
the activist judiciary, which has the dubious distinction of endorsing
virtually every military takeover.
This is not the first time a premier has
been ousted by the court. In 2012, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani was
convicted of contempt by the top court and sentenced to be detained for the
duration of the hearing. Days later, he was disqualified.
In the case of both Gilani and Sharif, the
court used ambiguously worded provisions introduced in the constitution by
military dictator Zia-ul-Haq that require all politicians to be Sadiq and Ameen
(truthful and trustworthy).
Sharif’s legal problems began in 2016, when
the Panama Papers leaks revealed his three children purportedly owned offshore
assets worth millions of dollars. And yet, he was removed not over these
revelations but a court-appointed investigative team’s conclusion that he had
not declared in his 2013 nomination papers the salary he was owed by his son’s
Experts were quick to point out the
political nature of the verdict by the judiciary, many of whose top members are
populists with a propensity to cite the Islamic foundation of Pakistan’s laws
and constitutional provisions.
Experts also noted the lack of due process
in Sharif’s case, who was disqualified without a trial even though the court
ordered a separate trial into the charges based on the Panama Papers.
“Historically, Pakistan’s superior
judiciary has always aligned with the powerful military establishment. It has
given legitimacy to military regimes. The supreme court sentenced a prime
minister deposed by military to death in 1979,” Raza Rumi, editor of Pakistan’s
Daily Times and a political analyst, told Hindustan Times. He was referring to
hanging of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto.
While another military takeover in Pakistan
is highly unlikely, the generals prefer to meddle in politics through other
pliant institutions. The judiciary is yet to offer convincing proof it can
stand up to the pressure from the general headquarters in Rawalpindi.
“This time the judiciary’s resolve may have
been strengthened due to silent support from the military. Nawaz Sharif has had
a strained relationship with the military during the past four years. Sharif
and the military clashed publicly over policy and political matters,” Rumi
“On the face of it, disqualification was an
instance of an over-reach. But opinion is divided if the military was
The joint investigation team set up on the
court’s order to probe Sharif and family included two officials of the military
intelligence and Inter-Services Intelligence – hardly the organisations that
come to mind for investigating money laundering and financial crimes.
Commentators also noted the difference in
the judiciary’s handling of the cases of Sharif and former military ruler
Pervez Musharraf, whom the PML-N leader was intent on prosecuting.
Musharraf is facing a raft of cases
involving serious charges, including negligence that caused the assassination
of former premier Benazir Bhutto.
The cases against him dragged on for years
before he was allowed to leave Pakistan for medical reasons and he is unlikely
to return to face the charges.
At the same time, Pakistan’s judicial
system, like those in most South Asian countries, has failed abysmally in
delivering speedy justice to ordinary citizens. Almost two million cases are
pending in Pakistan’s courts and even special anti-terrorism courts have had
few successes in convicting militants and terrorists.
In the few instances that courts have
convicted someone in a high-profile case, things have not gone well for the
The anti-terrorism court judge who
convicted Mumtaz Qadri, the policeman who assassinated Punjab governor Salmaan
Taseer in 2011, was forced to flee Pakistan after getting death threats.
Like many other Pakistani politicians,
Sharif and his family have struggled with corruption allegations. But had
Sharif lasted till the elections due next year, he would have been the first
Pakistani premier to complete a full term.
As long as Pakistan’s judiciary appears to
be more concerned about the letter of the law, and not its spirit, judicial
meddling of the sort that cut short Sharif’s term cannot be ruled out.
Mind And Meditation
Aug 3, 2017
There are many things that are beyond the
sphere of mind and they are very significant to us.
Recently, during my flight to Washington
DC, I checked the in-flight entertainment menu. I was surprised to see
information in Hindi language also. There was a listing of meditation music for
relaxation. I became curious to find out how it was mentioned in Hindi. The
word meditation was translated as “Chintan”. I understood that it as a literal
translation of the word from dictionaries as I know meditation is Dhyan and not
Chintan. For most people in the world, especially those who have not practised
or experienced meditation, as taught by Gautam Buddha and other luminous
mystics, meditation means contemplation or concentration on some philosophical
The philosophers are thinkers, mere
thinkers. Give them any subject and they would use their mind and contemplation
to focus on the subject. They will skilfully use their expertise of linguistic
knowledge, but basically it is coming from their churning of the mind. They may
even appear to be more impressive than the mystic saints — and most of the time
they are. In reality, they are farthest from the truth, as this exercise does
not match the existential experience or realisation which is deeper than the
mind. For example, love and prayer; these things do not happen in the mind,
they happen in the heart and soul. This is the realm of experience and
realisation. Out of nowhere love descends into a human heart as something
wondrous which has nothing to do with thinking or contemplation, may have
nothing to do with any logic. It may be totally irrational. And on a higher
level, this may be the case with prayer or bhakti or devotion. All that is
divine, not just a product of thought and mind, is nourishing to our soul, very
significant to our being. Our mind is just a useful instrument for mundane
things, but it is not all. There are many things that are beyond the sphere of
mind and they are very significant to us.
Talking about the reality of our being,
Osho explains: “You are not the mind, you are beyond mind. You have become
identified, that’s true, but you are not the mind”. And this is the purpose of
meditation: to give you small glimpses that you are not the mind. If even for a
few moments the mind stops, you are still there! On the contrary, you are more,
overflowing with being. When the mind stops it is as if a drainage, which was
continuously draining you has stopped. Suddenly you are overflowing with
energy. You feel more! If even for a single moment you become aware that the
mind is not there but “I am,” you have reached a deep core of truth.