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Indian Press (03 Aug 2017 NewAgeIslam.Com)


Why India and Pakistan Love Each Other By Mrutyuanjai Mishra: New Age Islam's Selection, 03 August 2017





New Age Islam Edit Bureau

03 August 2017

Why India and Pakistan Love Each Other

By Mrutyuanjai Mishra

Why Freedom Must Survive

By Kuldip Nayar

Pakistan’s Game of Thrones

By T.C.A. Raghavan

In Pakistan, Pure Misogyny Or Pure Politics?

By Jyoti Malhotra

Judicial Coup In Pakistan: Letter Of The Law, Not Its Spirit, Is At Work

By Rezaul H. Laskar

Mind and Meditation

By Swami Chaitanya Keerti

Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau

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Why India and Pakistan Love Each Other

By Mrutyuanjai Mishra

August 2, 2017

India and Pakistan are soon going to celebrate their 70th birthday. The addition of a zero, an invention of the Asian subcontinent, makes birthdays a bit more special not just in Asia but also in Europe. The parties are fancier, louder, and more guests are invited in many European countries if you turn 70 than when you turned 69. So this is a special year. And both our countries will catch the attention of the international media.

The Economist has already published an article titled, “Why India and Pakistan hate each other”, to mark our 70th birthday. The article is fair and does mention that even though the population of India is six times that of Pakistan and its economy eight times as big, it has shown restraint and not given in to provocations from Pakistan.

Well, that is how an elder brother behaves. On the way back from school, when the younger brother throws his school bag and throws a fit, the elder brother behaves responsibly, hoping that when they get home he will say sorry and they will be friends again.

After 70 years of partition, an unnecessary partition, the peoples of Pakistan and India have to realize that the option of loving each other is better than of hating each other. The partition was based on a bogus premise: religion was more important than language. So one Punjab was divided into two, one went to Pakistan and became the most powerful state in the country, and the other remained in India. One Bengal was divided into two. One, which was the industrial center, remained in India and the more agrarian part of Bengal became Pakistan and later Bangladesh.

How naïve were those who thought that religion was more important than language. A month ago, I was listening to a programme in which a human-rights activist based in UK, Salil Tripathi, was invited. He mentioned that he was writing a book on Gujaratis, and I cannot wait to read that book. While giving an introduction to what he wanted to write, he mentioned that Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was better at Gujarati than at Urdu. Even though Salil Tripathi did not mention that, my guess is that Mahatma Gandhi was better at Gujarati than at Hindi. So both the leaders of Pakistan and India at that time were versatile in Gujarati. But they failed to understand that they had a lot in common. Gandhi, of course, never wanted the partition, but those of us who remained in India and learned Gujarati could easily have had good conversations with Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

When I meet members of the Pakistani migrant community, I find an utter love for Hindi movies and the Hindi language. They are able to mention the names of Indian actors and films with far more accuracy than I can. If you consider the linguistic capacity of humorous shows produced in Karachi, then you feel ashamed as an Indian at the lack of proficiency in Hindi/Urdu of the modern Indian actors, who get roles for their looks and less for their mastery of language.

Why can´t we bring a few actors and actresses from Pakistan and let them bring some linguistic proficiency to our Indian films? After all, they are equally big consumers of the films as we are. After 70 years of partition, Pakistanis on an average are better at Hindi/Urdu than we could ever imagine. No they are not speaking Arabic despite the flow of billions of petrodollars from the Gulf. They remained loyal to their cultural heritage. This is what love is about. The cultural bonding between India and Pakistan is so strong that I laugh more at Pakistani prank shows and enjoy with equal pleasure when I hear Urdu poems and talk shows from Pakistan with impeccable mastery of Hindi and Urdu. Hindi and Urdu connect our hearts and English has become the de facto official language in both our countries. We mix English with Hindi and speak Hinglish the same way the Pakistanis speak their Urglish.

Tomorrow as millions will watch the quarterfinals of a girls´ football match, a girl from Afghanistan, Nadia Nadim, will represent Denmark against Austria. She is not only a football player in Denmark. She is a medical student, too, and speaks 7 languages fluently, including Hindi and Urdu. A girl who probably has never lived in Pakistan and India speaks Hindi and Urdu. Isn´t this a fantastic example of cultural commonality?

I hope that history begins from here for India and Pakistan.  For the people of Indus the number 7 has tremendous significance. After 70 years, those of us who have an open heart have realized that what we have in common has far more significance than our differences. How can we enjoy it when an ordinary Pakistani who speaks, walks, talks and dances like us lives a painful life?

Can we really rejoice when their democracy is in the doldrums? We have the social media, a huge Indian and Pakistani diaspora have settled abroad and they are able to see the striking similarity that is in our humor and our cultural habits.

In the next 70 years, I think India and Pakistan will not only become friends but maybe close partners. In the coming 70 years, we should be more rigorous in demanding that religious mullahs, priests, pundits and instigators who cause communal riots should be asked to show restraint.

We should start by building one large university where both Hindi and Urdu could be the subject of scholarship, and students from both countries should be encouraged to study there. Let us build institutions of peace, let poetry and shayari be the foundation of our new friendship. The international community can help by insisting that the army stay in the barracks and stop hiding terrorists in their backyards. No prime minister, including Nawaz Sharif, has been allowed to finish their term in the entire history of Pakistan. This is a shame. They are toppled when they want to stretch out the hand of friendship.

It is time for the peoples of both countries to realize that the enmity between them is causing pain and poverty in both countries and the beneficiaries are the arms dealers and the Chinese. China has succeeded in keeping people divided in order to maximize their influence. It has succeeded in keeping India and Pakistan from being friends and North and South Korea, which are also the same people and have the same language, from becoming one.

India and Pakistan could become the true champions of peace in the coming years.

Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com/mind-the-gap/why-india-and-pakistan-love-each-other/

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Why Freedom Must Survive

By Kuldip Nayar

August 3, 2017

I vainly search for my favourite television anchors like Karan Thapar and Barkha Dutt. I am told that they have been taken off.

Who has done this is a matter of conjecture. Some say that it is the pressure of the Narendra Modi government while a few others lament that it was the doing of the owners of the channel. Whoever has done it has acted as the censor.

What surprises me is the absence of protests. In my time, there would be noise or meetings to point out that the press have been muzzled or that critics have been silenced.

Of course, it was a different story when the emergency was imposed, but before that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi would not dare move against the press. She would look for supporters - and there were quite a few - but the number of critics was also large. I recall that after imposing censorship in 1975-77, she triumphantly said that not a dog had barked! This hurt me as much as other journalists.

We gathered at the Press Club - the number was 103 - and passed a resolution to criticize censorship. Information Minister V.C. Shukla, who knew me well, rang up to warn that “each one of you” would be put behind bars. This actually happened and I, too, was detained for three months.

That period surfaced once again before my eyes when Taslima Nasreen remarked the other day that “very few opposition voices are heard in the world’s largest democracy.”

She had been confined to Aurangabad after leaving Kolkata. She is from Bangladesh and the fundamentalists there drove her out because she wrote the book, Lajja (Shame), narrating the plight of Hindu women at the hands of fundamentalists in her country.

It is a slur on Indian democracy that she cannot live in a city of her choosing. I am told that a few days ago she left for Aurangabad but was sent back. I do not want to dwell any further on this incident but what I have in mind is the danger to our democracy.

An emergency-like situation can prevail without actually being imposed.

The RSS has been successful in removing the liberal heads of various educational institutions. I followed the case of Nehru Memorial Centre and found to my horror the disappearance of familiar liberal people. Still the case of Taslima Nasreen is there, unexplained.

This looks like the fatwa against Salman Rushdie by Iran for having written the book, Satanic Verses, which raised questions against Islam. The Indian nation has to be vigilant all the time because it has gone through a period of 19 months of censorship.

The press overdid it because as BJP leader, L.K. Advani said: "You were asked to bend but began to crawl." To a large extent, Advani was right. Journalists were afraid of being arraigned by the Indira Gandhi government. Today, it is the other way round.

The press has been saffronised and except the odd voices in print and electronic media, it is at the beck and call of the people in power. There is very little difference between then and now because survival is the uppermost in the minds of newspapers or television channel owners and journalists.

NDTV is under pressure because its owner Pronnoy Roy had taken a loan. But the CBI registered a case against RRPR Holding Private Limited, Pranoy Roy, his wife Radhika and unidentified officials of ICICI Bank of criminal conspiracy, cheating and corruption.

The government may find some ways to harass Karan Thapar and Barkha Dutt because of their long association with television. They had been the most vociferous anchors taking up the cause of aggrieved people. Obviously, it was not to the liking of the establishment.

The pressure must have been enormous on the channels to drop both. How do we bring back the environment of freedom?

That is the question facing the nation today. Journalists are afraid to speak up lest they should annoy the owners. What happened during the Emergency should not happen now.

Then the Press had failed miserably.

Source: thestatesman.com/opinion/why-freedom-must-survive-1501707100.html

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Pakistan’s Game of Thrones

By T.C.A. Raghavan

August 3, 2017

What nailed Nawaz Sharif was a fishing expedition and a stray unconnected piece of information that turned up was sufficient. That indeed was the purpose of these constitutional provisions.

The impending 70th anniversary of the creation of Pakistan has been upstaged by the disqualification of an incumbent prime minister on July 28. This juncture is made more poignant by the fact that Nawaz Sharif was in his third term, that this was his third dismissal and cumulatively he has been Pakistan’s longest serving prime minister but like his predecessors had not completed a full term. July has other significant memories too. This year was the 40th anniversary (July 5) of General Zia ul Haq’s coup unseating Prime Minister Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto. It was also the 10th anniversary of the bloody siege of the Lal Masjid in Islamabad. Both these events are not unrelated to the unseating of Nawaz Sharif.

Some of the violence Zia inflicted on Pakistan’s Constitution was erased by Pakistan’s subsequent brief democratic interludes. Some features proved impossible to remove and two which persisted were provisions that elected representatives be truthful and righteous — “Sadiq” and “Ameen”. To the bench that unseated Nawaz Sharif, a non-disclosure in his 2013 election nomination of remuneration he received from one of his son’s companies meant that he failed this test. In the end, the Joint Investigation Team with Military Intelligence and ISI representation need not have gone into the Panama revelations at all. What nailed Nawaz Sharif was a fishing expedition and a stray unconnected piece of information that turned up was sufficient. That indeed was the purpose of these constitutional provisions.

The bloody end to the Lal Masjid siege (July 10, 2007) had unleashed a wave of terrorist attacks in Pakistan from which no institution and no person appeared safe. The Pakistan army itself appeared ineffective as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan consolidated itself in the tribal areas and launched attacks virtually at will across the length and breadth of the country. When Nawaz Sharif assumed office in 2013, the army’s position in public esteem was possibly lower than it had been in the preceding decade-and-a-half, if not longer. This was because of the shame of the Osama bin Laden raid but also because it appeared to be just standing by as the constant stream of terror attacks continued. Nawaz Sharif, in contrast, was stronger than a prime minister had been in Pakistan for a long time: He appointed a close supporter as president, saw through both the COAS who had been in position for six years and also an activist and ambitious chief justice.

The launch of Zarb-e-Azb in mid-2014 and the intensity it acquired from December 2014 (after the Peshawar school attack) reversed this trend. As the army’s stock grew, so did civil-military jostling that continued through Nawaz Sharif’s tenure. That the odds were stacking up against him was evident as he encountered markedly higher levels of difficulties in addressing his favourite ideas — an improvement of relations with India being high up in them.

On the surface, two institutions evidently played a key role in Nawaz Sharif’s unseating — the judiciary and the media. The role of the judiciary in eroding democratic norms in Pakistan is not new and stretches back to the 1950s.Yet from 2007 onwards, things had appeared to be changing as a movement of judges and lawyers empowered itself through resisting military and extra-constitutional ingress. Pakistan’s media too acquired greater autonomy than ever before through much the same process. But it would also be a fair assessment that both these institutions have had to accommodate themselves to the rising public esteem of the Pakistan military as it battled, from late 2014 onwards, domestic terrorists with a ferocity and intensity that soothed public opinion ravaged by years of terrorist violence.

The Pakistan army also went to very great lengths to internalise a media strategy as the most effective means of interfacing and then influencing public opinion. The size and, even more so, the media outreach of the Inter Services Press Relations wing of the army increased in tandem with the intensity of its anti-terror operations. It is useful to recall that the “establishment” or the “deep state” in Pakistan is not simply a group of individuals or a bundle of institutions plotting the future gathered around a table. It is also an inclination and a way of thinking. In this view, the risk was too great of Nawaz Sharif riding the optimism of a downturn in terrorist attacks, a relative upswing in economic feel-good and reaping the benefits in the 2018 election.

Nawaz Sharif’s final denouement came not just by a judicial process that started with the leak of the Panama Papers. He lost a complex and prolonged chess game that started relatively early in his tenure and to which his own forced and unforced errors also greatly contributed. If Nawaz Sharif’s unseating is the end of one road it is also the beginning of another. He is the unquestioned charismatic head of a party which has deep political roots and deeper pockets. Just leaving him be is not an option. The period up to the 2018 election will now see a no-holds-barred contestation between him and his party on the one hand and the full array of opposing forces seemingly led by Imran Khan.

One theatre of action will be the National Accountability Bureau — Musharraf’s favourite instrument to bring recalcitrant politicians into line. It now stands mandated by the Supreme Court to complete the Panama Papers inquiry into the Sharif family in six months, that is, before the general election. It is presently packed with Nawaz Sharif appointees. Waiting in the wings to open another front is another old army proxy: The Canadian Pakistani preacher Tahir ul Qadri, who seeks to be PM-to-be Shahbaz Sharif’s nemesis as much as Imran Khan is Nawaz Sharif’s.

The main action, however, will be in the towns and villages of Punjab where Nawaz Sharif’s party will see if the slogan of having been wronged thrice strikes a chord. In each of these fronts will be the brooding presence of the army. That it is now reduced to having to move through unpredictable and eccentric instruments is as good a reading as any of the state of Pakistan today.

Source: indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/pakistan-new-pm-nawaz-sharif-panama-papers-4779546/

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In Pakistan, Pure Misogyny Or Pure Politics?

By Jyoti Malhotra

August 3, 2017

Imran Khan himself darkly tweeted, ‘My challenge to Sharif-MSR mafia is: Do your worst; stoop as low as you can.”

Pakistan is in the middle of a raging misogynist battle, with a former member of Imran Khan’s Tehreek-i- Inssaaf (PTI) party, Ayesha Gulalai, accusing Khan of sending her obscene text messages from his Blackberry since 2013, in the full knowledge that the messages could not be hacked and daring him to make them public.

The former cricketer and PTI chief retaliated by fielding several party women legislators – as well as male politicians – who sought to discredit Gulalai by asking why she hadn’t come clean before, and whether her accusations against Imran Khan were timed to defame and prevent him from becoming the main beneficiary of the political crisis in which Nawaz Sharif was disqualified last week.

Imran Khan himself darkly tweeted, ‘My challenge to Sharif-MSR mafia is: Do your worst; stoop as low as you can; me & my struggle-hardened party will become ever stronger IA’

The alleged sexual escapade has certainly thrown the ongoing political crisis out of gear – even if it is for the moment. Ayesha Gulalai is being repeatedly asked whether she is now joining Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League (N) party – the implication being, for services rendered — and why she had lied about asking Imran Khan for a ticket to a general seat in the National Assembly (she is currently on a woman’s quota).

Others, including some senior women journalists, wanted to know why Ms Gulalai was still not releasing the so-called incriminating messages by Imran Khan. Perhaps it was a case of a love affair gone sour? Certainly, pity was the strongest emotion that surfaced while watching several PTI women legislators attempting to defend Khan and trash Ayesha Gulalai in the bargain.

Certainly, there’s not a moment when Pakistan is not in ferment. Assassinations, martial law, creeping coups and judicial dictatorships not only keep that country, but the entire region, on the edge of its seat, waiting with bated breath for the next roll of the dice. Nothing like an alleged sexual distraction, though, to spice things up a bit and provide some dramatic relief, of course at the expense of the woman in question.

Perhaps the worst commentary came from Fawad Chaudhury, former journalist and PTI spokesperson who wanted to know why Ayesha Gulalai’s sister was “running around in shorts” and whether this was part of Pakistan’s culture. Responding to an uncritical questioner on Neo TV, Chaudhury kept saying that Gulalai had allowed herself to be “used” (“Istemaal”) over the last 24-48 hours, meaning she had been put up to doing this by Nawaz Sharif’s party.

Chaudhury’s utterly unseemly and gratuitous references to “beghairat”, or honour, left the viewer not in the slightest doubt that Gulalai’s mark had hit home. Imran Khan’s reputation of being an international playboy refuses to go away, notwithstanding the amazing work he has put in to raise from scratch a cancer hospital in Pakistan as well as manufacture a political party that is giving Nawaz Sharif a run for its money.

In fact, barely three days after Sharif was disqualified by the Supreme Court, Imran Khan brought Islamabad to a halt with a rally that hasn’t been seen in these parts before for some time. Zebunissa Burki, a senior editor at The News, put it succintly on Facebook :  “Yes, you are free to have doubts over what (Gulalai) saying. No, it doesn’t mean its a given that she’s lying just because she didn’t come forward earlier. Yes, Imran Khan has the right to ask for an investigation. And no, that doesn’t mean she was a) asking for it, b) had asked Imran to marry her, c) got money from the PML-N and d) has disrespected ‘Pakhtun’ tradition. We don’t get to comment on her father or her sister or their ‘izzat’,” Burki said.

Meanwhile, Gulalai is being supported by a handful of women parliamentarians, including Bushra Gohar of the Awami National Party and Sherry Rehman and Nafisa Shah of the Pakistan People’s Party. Tonight, the Speaker of the National Assembly is said to have ordered an investigation into the whole matter.

Certainly, in large parts of South Asia, the shame of sexual harassment still largely devolves upon the woman who is attacked, instead of the attacker. Does this mean that Gulalai has demonstrated extraordinary courage by going public about the alleged obscenities ? Or is she a conniving woman who came to the party four years too late ? Whether or not she is innocent or complicit, fact is the trolls on Twitter are already showering her with the choicest abuse.

Sooner than later, the truth will out. Whether Gulalai’s accusations will be consigned to the dustbin of ordinary titillation or whether Imran Khan has been caught and bowled in a cunning trap, fact is sexuality in South Asia is still circumscribed by the old codes. It makes you wonder about gender, stereotyping and politics and why, across the rough and tumble of the subcontinent, women who want to enter politics must increasingly be the daughters and wives of famous politicians? Think of what Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sheikh Hasina have in common besides their gender?

Perhaps the Ayesha Gulalai episode will blow over tomorrow, having fulfilled its main criterion, as PTI leaders say, of dragging Imran Khan through the mud. They insist the mud wont stick and point out that the PML(N) is increasingly nervous about its chances to remain in power. They believe the former cricketer and sex symbol will be the next prime minister of Pakistan.

Certainly, Gulalai’s comments have added a certain frisson of excitement to the ongoing political crisis. Even though Nawaz Sharif is down –- although no one knows for certain yet whether he is permanently disqualified or not – his party still has a majority in the National Assembly. For Imran Khan to be targeted in a sex scandal certainly indicates that the Sharif brothers are concerned about his backers, in front or behind the Purdah.

The political roller-coaster in Pakistan moves on.

Source: indianexpress.com/article/opinion/pakistan-new-pm-nawaz-sharif-imran-khan-ayesha-gulalai/

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Judicial Coup In Pakistan: Letter Of The Law, Not Its Spirit, Is At Work

By Rezaul H. Laskar

Aug 03, 2017

The Pakistan Supreme Court’s ruling disqualifying thrice-elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been described by experts as a “judicial coup”, a major blow to efforts to strengthen the country’s fragile democracy.

Much of the world community’s efforts to strengthen democracy in Pakistan have focussed on the powerful military and political parties. But it’s time to take a closer look at the outsize reach of the activist judiciary, which has the dubious distinction of endorsing virtually every military takeover.

This is not the first time a premier has been ousted by the court. In 2012, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani was convicted of contempt by the top court and sentenced to be detained for the duration of the hearing. Days later, he was disqualified.

In the case of both Gilani and Sharif, the court used ambiguously worded provisions introduced in the constitution by military dictator Zia-ul-Haq that require all politicians to be Sadiq and Ameen (truthful and trustworthy).

Sharif’s legal problems began in 2016, when the Panama Papers leaks revealed his three children purportedly owned offshore assets worth millions of dollars. And yet, he was removed not over these revelations but a court-appointed investigative team’s conclusion that he had not declared in his 2013 nomination papers the salary he was owed by his son’s UAE-based firm.

Experts were quick to point out the political nature of the verdict by the judiciary, many of whose top members are populists with a propensity to cite the Islamic foundation of Pakistan’s laws and constitutional provisions.

Experts also noted the lack of due process in Sharif’s case, who was disqualified without a trial even though the court ordered a separate trial into the charges based on the Panama Papers.

“Historically, Pakistan’s superior judiciary has always aligned with the powerful military establishment. It has given legitimacy to military regimes. The supreme court sentenced a prime minister deposed by military to death in 1979,” Raza Rumi, editor of Pakistan’s Daily Times and a political analyst, told Hindustan Times. He was referring to hanging of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto.

While another military takeover in Pakistan is highly unlikely, the generals prefer to meddle in politics through other pliant institutions. The judiciary is yet to offer convincing proof it can stand up to the pressure from the general headquarters in Rawalpindi.

“This time the judiciary’s resolve may have been strengthened due to silent support from the military. Nawaz Sharif has had a strained relationship with the military during the past four years. Sharif and the military clashed publicly over policy and political matters,” Rumi said.

“On the face of it, disqualification was an instance of an over-reach. But opinion is divided if the military was involved.”

The joint investigation team set up on the court’s order to probe Sharif and family included two officials of the military intelligence and Inter-Services Intelligence – hardly the organisations that come to mind for investigating money laundering and financial crimes.

Commentators also noted the difference in the judiciary’s handling of the cases of Sharif and former military ruler Pervez Musharraf, whom the PML-N leader was intent on prosecuting.

Musharraf is facing a raft of cases involving serious charges, including negligence that caused the assassination of former premier Benazir Bhutto.

The cases against him dragged on for years before he was allowed to leave Pakistan for medical reasons and he is unlikely to return to face the charges.

At the same time, Pakistan’s judicial system, like those in most South Asian countries, has failed abysmally in delivering speedy justice to ordinary citizens. Almost two million cases are pending in Pakistan’s courts and even special anti-terrorism courts have had few successes in convicting militants and terrorists.

In the few instances that courts have convicted someone in a high-profile case, things have not gone well for the judges.

The anti-terrorism court judge who convicted Mumtaz Qadri, the policeman who assassinated Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer in 2011, was forced to flee Pakistan after getting death threats.

Like many other Pakistani politicians, Sharif and his family have struggled with corruption allegations. But had Sharif lasted till the elections due next year, he would have been the first Pakistani premier to complete a full term.

As long as Pakistan’s judiciary appears to be more concerned about the letter of the law, and not its spirit, judicial meddling of the sort that cut short Sharif’s term cannot be ruled out.

Source: hindustantimes.com/analysis/letter-of-the-law-not-its-spirit-seems-pakistan-judiciary-s-concern/story-elQNVZMeY1SLqBAFeuGJEN.html

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Mind And Meditation

By Swami Chaitanya Keerti

Aug 3, 2017

There are many things that are beyond the sphere of mind and they are very significant to us.

Recently, during my flight to Washington DC, I checked the in-flight entertainment menu. I was surprised to see information in Hindi language also. There was a listing of meditation music for relaxation. I became curious to find out how it was mentioned in Hindi. The word meditation was translated as “Chintan”. I understood that it as a literal translation of the word from dictionaries as I know meditation is Dhyan and not Chintan. For most people in the world, especially those who have not practised or experienced meditation, as taught by Gautam Buddha and other luminous mystics, meditation means contemplation or concentration on some philosophical subject.

The philosophers are thinkers, mere thinkers. Give them any subject and they would use their mind and contemplation to focus on the subject. They will skilfully use their expertise of linguistic knowledge, but basically it is coming from their churning of the mind. They may even appear to be more impressive than the mystic saints — and most of the time they are. In reality, they are farthest from the truth, as this exercise does not match the existential experience or realisation which is deeper than the mind. For example, love and prayer; these things do not happen in the mind, they happen in the heart and soul. This is the realm of experience and realisation. Out of nowhere love descends into a human heart as something wondrous which has nothing to do with thinking or contemplation, may have nothing to do with any logic. It may be totally irrational. And on a higher level, this may be the case with prayer or bhakti or devotion. All that is divine, not just a product of thought and mind, is nourishing to our soul, very significant to our being. Our mind is just a useful instrument for mundane things, but it is not all. There are many things that are beyond the sphere of mind and they are very significant to us.

Talking about the reality of our being, Osho explains: “You are not the mind, you are beyond mind. You have become identified, that’s true, but you are not the mind”. And this is the purpose of meditation: to give you small glimpses that you are not the mind. If even for a few moments the mind stops, you are still there! On the contrary, you are more, overflowing with being. When the mind stops it is as if a drainage, which was continuously draining you has stopped. Suddenly you are overflowing with energy. You feel more! If even for a single moment you become aware that the mind is not there but “I am,” you have reached a deep core of truth.

Source: asianage.com/opinion/oped/030817/mystic-mantra-mind-and-meditation.html

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