By Sohail Arshad, New Age Islam
30 Dec 2012
It is intriguing and at the same time disappointing
that the Egyptians who had put up a formidable fight against the modern day
pharaoh, Hosni Mubarak, fighting and laying down lives for the cause of
democracy and freedom, demonstrated unexplainable indifference when the time to
choose or reject the draft constitution to give final shape to their destiny
arrived. Only 33 per cent of the population exercised their votes that too on
such an important referendum that could determine their future, raising
questions on the legitimacy of the outcome. Out of the people voted, about 66
per cent said they wanted the country to have Sharia law as its guiding force.
It means a considerable section (at least 35 per cent) wanted a secular constitution.
It is important to note that majority in Cairo, the capital of Egypt opposed
the Sharia based constitution.
It may, therefore,
be concluded that only the urban educated class was interested in the political
process of change in the country and the majority living in small towns and
villages remained uninterested or aloof from the process or did not bother about
it. The benumbing effect of the 30 years of the oppressive and suppressive
dictatorial rule of Hosni Mubarak had to had its effect on the collective
psyche and behaviour of the Egyptians.
The 33 per cent turnout in the referendum also
demonstrates the fact that Muslims the world over are an emotional and violent
entity. They are an easy prey to violent demonstrations on emotional issues but
whenever they are expected to take far reaching legal steps and programmes,
their zeal diminishes. This is exactly what has happened in case of the referendum.
The Arab Spring gave them the opportunity to let loose their pent up feelings
of frustration and anger and it gave them the feeling of catharsis gathering at
Tehrir Square and shouting their heart out in a country where they were
prohibited to assemble even in threes and fours. Once their angers and
frustrations were vented out, they retreated to their shells because taking
part in pragmatic and long term political and social goals is not in the genes
of the Muslims.
The stamp of approval on the Shariah based
constitution marks the rise of the Islamists in the country. However, the rise
of Islamists in Egypt is a very recent phenomenon which was first witnessed around
1995 when the Gama’ah Islamiyya, an extremist outfit staged violent attacks
against the Hosni Mubarak government. Though they were suppressed and silenced
by the Mubarak government for the time being, it gave the indication of things
to come. The Gama’ah Islamiyyah resurged during the revolution against the
Mubarak regime as they fought the security forces of the government.
The consolidation of Islamist forces in Egypt through
the Shariah based constitution, may mark the end of Egyptian liberalism and
pluralism of which Abbas Mahmud Al Aqqad, Lutfi al Sayyid, Taha Husayn, Muhammad Husayn Haykal and others were the exponents
during the period between the two wars.
Through their publications and writings, Aqqad and
Lutfi al Sayyid promoted liberal thought advocating a democracy based on
equality, cultural pluralism and protection of minorities.
Aqqad said, “Freedom
is the ultimate virtue of mankind”; “Democracy is the only political system of
modern man and modern society”; “Therefore, Egypt must be committed to freedom
and democracy.” He also said that the
merits of a liberal democracy were rooted in: individual freedoms and civil
liberties, constitutionalism, a parliamentary and multiparty system, the
separation of powers, equality for all citizens, cultural pluralism, and the
unquestionable legitimacy of political opposition.
His democratic thoughts gave ample space to the
minorities as he said,”A liberal democratic
government was to mediate between the wills of individuals and the collective
interests of society through elections, representation, and majority-based
decision-making that protects the minority.”
The recent changes in the Egyptian polity have been engineered by the
urban middle class who is ambitious and is educated. In fact, the entire Arab
Spring was led by middle class youth and not the elite as this section has
always remained loyal to the dictatorship. Along with them, the Islamists who
had been forced to remain dormant in the dictatorial period, exploited the
anger of the masses to turn their religio-political dreams into reality. Since
the revolution was not led by the elite, it was bound to be hijacked by the
fringe groups that were waiting for an opportune moment to assume centre-stage.
That seems to be reason why majority of the population chose to remain indoors
on the day of the referendum. On the failure of the elite to provide any
leadership to the new movement, Dr. Rifaat Lakkousha says, “It is the elite that did not free its culture of the mistaken
understanding of the Pharaonic era in Egyptian history, which maintains that
Egypt as of the onset of history had been governed by the will of the despotic
Pharaoh, and that every Egyptian is essentially a small despot, which entails
the impossibility of turning towards liberalism.”
He further observes, “One of the phenomena of the contemporary
political history of Egypt shows that the major political events were not
launched by the elite followed by the people, but by the people followed by the
elite. This is why sometimes, some of the individuals of the elite fear the
movement of the people, which can be a step ahead leading to the creation of a
new elite replacing the existing one.”
The result was that the revolution went to the hands
of the Islamists led by Mohamed Morsi with a despotic mindset which proves Dr
Lakkousha’s assertion that ‘every Egyptian is essentially a small despot’.
The youth who had brought about the revolution had
only wanted to bring about a larger revolution that would relieve them of all
the economic, social and political baggages of the past but in the end found themselves
burdened with another baggage of religious fanaticism, radicalism and a centre
that promises to be no different from the pharaohs. Hence their disappointment
and disillusionment.
Though the new constitution declares Egypt a democracy
based on Islamic principles, it has many undefined clauses that would give the
establishment leverage to lead Egypt towards chaos. It has made Al Azhar
University, the centre of Sunni Islam, the authority on Islamic principles and will be consulted for shariah based
guidance.
“The principles of Islamic Sharia include
general evidence, foundational rules, rules of jurisprudence, and credible
sources accepted in Sunni doctrines and by the larger Sunni community”, that is
by Sunnah wal Jama’ah and will lead Egypt on the paths of Wahhabite ideology of
intolerance towards other sects of Islam and the minorities like Coptic
Christians. Though the Christians have been given their religion the status of
their Personal Law but since all the legislations will be based on Islamic Sunni
principles, it might have some confrontational problems in future and due to
their minority status they will be at the receiving end.
Salafists who are a major power block within
the government, will blackmail the government on religious issues by adopting a
harder stance than the ruling Muslim Brotherhood on religious and cultural
issues to present themselves as greater upholders of Islam than the Brotherhood
as happens in most Islamic societies including Pakistan thus producing a new
breed of Islamic fanatics. Even Muslim Brotherhood plans to form their own
militia which gives an indication of the shape the Egyptian political sphere is
going to take. They already attacked the peaceful demonstrators protesting
against the new constitution in front of the presidential palace and vow to
kill those showing any opposition to the constitution or government.
While announcing
Mohamed Morsi’s name as Muslim Brotherhood’s presidential candidate, the
Egyptian cleric Safwat had expressed his hope that “Morsi would liberate Gaza,
restore the Caliphate of the "United States of the Arabs" with
Jerusalem as its capital, and that "our
cry shall be: 'Millions of martyrs march towards Jerusalem.'"
Though the
constitution has laid great stress on the promotion, development and
encouragement of scientific research and the maintenance of the cultural
heritage of Egypt, it seems that these programmes would be relegated to the
corner and the religious adventurism will push the newly born democracy towards
religious fanaticism with the aim of razing down the pyramids and the sphinx
and all other cultural heritages of the country in the name of Islamic
Puritanism and establishing a United Arab Islamic Caliphate with Jerusalem as
its capital.
One particular aspect
of the constitution is the stress on fostering of the Arab culture and the
Arabisation of education, science and knowledge. This sentence
in itself is ambiguous
and
self-contradictory as Arab is not known for their scientific thought, knowledge
and education. All it is known for is the Islamic heritage, education and
culture. What the editors of the draft constitution of Egypt had in their mind
by saying ‘Arabisation of education and science’ owes explanation. The Egyptian
scholar and liberal thinker Lutfi al Sayyid was
one of the fiercest opponents of pan-Arabism, and insisted that ‘Egyptians are Egyptians and
not Arabs’. He held the view that Egypt had an
independent culture.
In short, the constitution of Egypt has many loopholes that will create many problems in future giving way to the establishment of a despotic Islamic state under a Wahhabi political Islamic ideology.
Sohail Arshad is a regular columnist for New AgeIslam.com.
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-politics/egypt’s-new-constitution-end-egyptian/d/9838