Middle East Press on: Netanyahu, Syria, Israel, Assad, Iran, Turkey, Damascus: New Age Islam's Selection, 10 December 2024
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
10 December 2024
Defendant No.1: Netanyahu Must Show Leadership By Confronting Allegations
Syria’s Freedom Reveals The Depth Of Activist Double Standards
Building Stronger Connections With Israel Through Masa
Trump, Israel Must Realize That Assad’s Fall Will Change The Reality In Iran
Overthrowing Assad’s Regime Will Not Translate Into Immediate Political Stability
Is Turkey Set To Become The New Regional Power Instead Of Iran?
Israel’s Battlefield Superiority Is A Result Of Extraordinary Innovation
The World Owes Palestine This Much - Please Stop Censoring Palestinian Voices
Is The Overthrow Of Assad Good For The Palestinians?
Syria After Assad: The Winners For Now Are Turkey And The West
Syria: We Need New Ways Of Delivering Aid Following Collapse Of Assad Regime
Syria’s Liberation Marks A New Dawn After Decades Of Darkness
The Syrians Have Been Waiting For This Day For Decades
Syrians Must Be Allowed To Shape Their Own Future
Genuine Solidarity With Palestinians Is Not Conditional
Assad’s Downfall And Fate Decided In Damascus
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Defendant No.1: Netanyahu Must Show Leadership By Confronting Allegations
By Jpost Editorial
DECEMBER 10, 2024
Perhaps the most polarizing legal saga in Israeli history will take its most dramatic turn today when Defendant No. 1 – Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – takes to the stand to begin defending himself in his criminal trial.
The drama of the first sitting prime minister to testify in a public corruption trial – seven years after the investigations started – is guaranteed to take over the country’s narrative for the foreseeable future.
Defending against allegations of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust, and after years of delays and setbacks – including Sunday when ministers attempted to push back Bibi’s testimony date due to events in Syria – the testimony of Netanyahu is not merely a legal formality; it is a moral necessity, a gesture of accountability, and a demonstration of respect for the very rule of law that forms the bedrock of Israeli democracy.
Almost five years on since he was first indicted, the prime minister’s ongoing legal proceedings have cast a shadow over Israel’s governance, while at the same time illuminating our country’s democratic resilience. Few democracies can claim the ability to hold a sitting or former leader to such stringent judicial scrutiny.
This trial is both a stain and a badge of honor – stark evidence of internal discord but also a testament to a judiciary willing to hold power accountable – a pillar of Israeli society that has been held sacred since the state’s earliest days.
Netanyahu’s testimony should give every citizen trust in Israel’s institutions, proving that no one, not even the nation’s longest-serving prime minister, is above the law.
Despite the constant cries of “witch-hunt” every time an accusation is made against any of the ruling coalition, especially the prime minister, Israeli democracy thrives on its robust judicial framework. While not perfect, it is a system that protects against tyranny and enforces accountability – and one that the government, we should not forget, attempted to overhaul, almost dragging the country into civil unrest before the Hamas attacks of October 7.
Timing of the treial
Critics may argue that the trial’s timing, coinciding with Israel’s engagement in a multi-front war against Hamas and Hezbollah, as well as regional upheaval, is inappropriate. However, pausing the judicial process would undermine the judiciary’s role as an impartial arbiter of justice. Instead, the country must find a balance – ensuring the trial proceeds fairly while prioritizing the governance and security needs of a nation at war.
While it is imperative that justice be carried out in the name of the law – and the two days Bibi will take the stand should not tear him away from Israel’s security needs for too long – Israelis have far more pressing needs than the daily political soap opera which exists in this country.
Israel has been on the frontlines of existential challenges as it battles Hamas, Hezbollah, and other Iranian proxies, all while monitoring developments in Syria following the sudden fall of the Assad regime. This precarious geopolitical environment of the Middle East demands an unwavering focus from the nation’s leadership.
Netanyahu’s trial risks diverting attention from these pressing matters, as evidenced by recent courtroom tensions and legal wrangling that have dominated headlines. Israel is still a country in trauma. We are still awaiting the return of 100 hostages held by Hamas. We are still battling the brutal terrorist group daily in Gaza and securing our northern border with Lebanon to allow citizens to finally return home.
A resolution of the case is crucial to prevent further erosion of public trust. For Netanyahu, testifying could be his decisive moment to address allegations directly, dispel doubts, and prioritize national stability over personal legal battles – and nobody knows how to take the stage better than Bibi. Israel’s enemies are watching closely, as they were in the months preceding October 7, and any perception of internal disarray could embolden those who seek to exploit it.
For decades, Netanyahu has positioned himself as the guarantor of Israel’s security and prosperity. Now, he must embody the same leadership qualities by transparently confronting the allegations against him. Testifying will not only allow him to present his version of events but also demonstrate a commitment to the democratic values he claims to uphold.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832730
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Syria’s Freedom Reveals The Depth Of Activist Double Standards
By Noah Ghussen
December 10, 2024
On Sunday, the streets of Damascus erupted in chaos and triumph as Syrian rebel fighters stormed the capital, bringing an end to the Assad family’s regime, after 53 years of repression and brutality.
Just a week earlier, the rebels, led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), had recaptured Aleppo, breaking a years-long stalemate in Syria’s civil war. This decisive breakthrough, supported by defected Assad officers and opposition fighters, dealt a critical blow to the Iranian-backed regime after over a decade of war.
The regime’s fall offers hope for Syria, but we must confront the persistent whitewashing and complicity that prolonged Bashar Assad’s reign of terror.
HTS claims it has no intention of permanently holding power, instead committing to establishing a transitional government that respects the rights of all Syrians – including minorities such as Christians, Druze, Jews, and Alawites. Despite past links to al-Qaeda, which raise understandable concerns, HTS asserts it has severed these ties. Only time will tell if this promise holds, but one thing is clear: The collapse of Assad’s regime has created a rare opportunity for meaningful change.
The civil war, which began in 2011, unleashed one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history, destroying the country Assad claimed to protect.
The fall of his regime should not erase the memory of the horrors inflicted on Syrians: more than 600,000 dead, thousands of them children. Barrel bombs, chemical weapons, and airstrikes decimated ancient cities – all carefully documented by Syrian rights groups. Sarin and chlorine gas, used repeatedly by Assad’s forces, stand among the most heinous war crimes.
Yet, even as these atrocities unfolded, they failed to evoke the same mass protests seen in other conflicts – notably those involving Israel.
Consider Yarmouk, once a thriving Palestinian refugee camp near Damascus, now reduced to rubble by Assad’s relentless siege and bombardment. Thousands were killed, but where were the protests and the impassioned campus rallies demanding justice for Syria’s Palestinians? The same voices that have been quick to unjustly condemn Israel remained conspicuously silent when Palestinians suffered under Assad.
A personal tale
For me, this is deeply personal.
In 2011, Assad’s forces seized my grandfather’s home in Damascus, forcing my grandparents to flee for their lives. Their story is just one of millions of families forced to leave everything behind. Yet their struggle is often dismissed, overshadowed by narratives that fit certain political agendas.
This indifference insults not only my family but every Syrian who has been dehumanized, displaced, or killed in this conflict. Assad’s regime committed crimes indiscriminately. Entire cities lie in ruins, and thousands disappeared into secret prisons where torture was routine. This was not heroic resistance against imperialism but the calculated actions of a dictator desperate to maintain power at any cost.
Why did Gaza inspire mass protests and social media campaigns while Syria’s suffering was largely ignored – or worse, excused? For years, pro-Palestinian Instagram accounts and Assadist sympathizers have portrayed the Assad regime as an essential pillar of Iran’s axis of resistance, long before its eventual overthrow.
On December 8, following the regime’s collapse, one of the largest pro-Palestinian Instagram accounts with 1.2 million followers, @landpalestine, posted a slide claiming the IDF had invaded Syria immediately after Assad’s fall, captioned: “Coincidence? Definitely not.”
This post, which garnered thousands of likes, is just one example of how anti-Israel social media accounts have perpetuated a false narrative framing Assad’s opposition as part of a Zionist expansionist agenda. These claims discredit the Syrian revolution, erase the sacrifices of those fighting for freedom, and use Israel as a scapegoat to deflect from Assad’s atrocities.
Figures such as Nerdeen Kiswani, founder of Within Our Lifetime, a New York-based organization leading the city’s largest anti-Israel protests, have amplified these narratives. Kiswani reposted claims on X that the fall of Assad’s regime would serve the “Zionist project.”
Similarly, right-wing commentator Candace Owens spread the conspiracy theory that Syria’s revolution was a Zionist CIA plot. This pattern of misinformation, sold as anti-imperialist critique, has ironically defended the imperialist ambitions of Iran and Russia as they seek to expand their spheres of control and dominate the region.
Moreover, this selective outrage has revealed a deeply flawed view of human rights – acknowledging suffering only when it aligns with certain political narratives.
Assad’s reentry into the Arab League in 2023 and Italy’s renewed ties with Syria in 2024 starkly highlighted this double standard: normalizing relations with a brutal dictator while disproportionately condemning Israel. The lack of scrutiny for regimes such as Syria, Iran, and Russia compared to Israel underscored this bias and fed into broader antisemitism, framing Israel as “the Jew among the nations.”
Social justice requires informed and proportionate action: Syrians deserved the same solidarity and outcry that was so fervently given to Gaza. Anything less is a betrayal – not only of Syria’s people but of the very principles of justice and equality that these movements claim to uphold.
Activists must now hold HTS accountable to its commitments under UN Resolution 2254, conducting free elections and further establishing peaceful relations with all neighbors, including Israel.
Rather than mischaracterizing Israel’s temporary security reinforcement as an invasion, activists should support Netanyahu’s statement of outreach: “We extend a hand of peace to all in Syria: Druze, Kurds, Christians, and Muslims who seek peace with Israel.”
Progressives must demand accountability for Assad’s crimes – even posthumously if necessary – and advocate for justice for his victims. Without this, their activism remains performative, a hollow expression of principles not honestly held.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832727
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Building Stronger Connections With Israel Through Masa
By Meir Holtz
December 10, 2024
Recently, I traveled to the United States to participate in the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA) General Assembly. It wasn’t my first time at this event or similar ones, but it was my first time attending as the CEO of Masa Israel Journey.
Immediately afterward, I had the privilege of joining the Jewish Agency’s Board of Governors, witnessing firsthand the presentation of Masa’s impactful work. These were invaluable opportunities for me to reflect on the past few months and remind myself why I took on this challenging and important role.
I was born in the United States and made aliyah with my family as a child. Most of my life has been spent here in Israel, fully immersed as an Israeli, yet the familial and cultural connections [with the US] remain ever-present. I feel I have a unique perspective, deeply connected to two significant Jewish groups: Israelis and those living abroad. My professional journey initially took me in other directions, with roles in the health and security fields. Later, I served as an emissary to the Jewish community in Australia and, most recently, as CEO of Mosaic United.
Even though recent years have drawn me closer to the Jewish world, I don’t think that before October 7 I would have aspired to the role at Masa. But, as we all know, everything changed for everyone – and for me personally.
I’ve had the chance to serve in security roles and work in and with Jewish communities far from here (and everything in between). These two worlds might seem vastly different, but from my perspective, they share a common essence. At their core, both are about ensuring the safety and continuity of the Jewish people. Today, more than ever, I see the opportunity to do just that through Masa.
We already know how critical extended stays in Israel, such as Masa’s long-term programs, are for young Jews worldwide. A study conducted by Masa three years ago revealed extraordinary results: stronger connections to Israel, a much higher likelihood of remaining part of the Jewish world, and a significantly increased commitment to raising Jewish children. One in four participants even reported choosing a Jewish professional path as a result of their time in Israel.
But those were the findings three years ago. It will likely take several more years to fully measure the impact of recent events on these young people. If long-term programs in Israel were significant before the war, imagine what it feels like for a young Jew to come here during an ongoing war, deliberately and knowingly entering a conflict zone to support the only Jewish state – one that, until recently, might not have even mattered much to them.
Connecting and reconnecting
We hear these stories every day about young people who felt no connection to Israel, some of whom had never even visited before. Many hadn’t experienced a strong connection to their Jewish identity either, but after learning about the events of October 7, they felt an urgent need to reconnect – literally and directly – to Israel itself.
Masa fellows this year aren’t coming “just” for an internship or to explore teaching through Masa’s Educators program. It’s no longer purely utilitarian; nearly all arrive with an explicit goal – to help Israel during its time of need – and a personal desire to reconnect with themselves.
This is the essence of what we do at Masa.
The fellows give to Israel as much as they gain themselves, whether they intend to or not. Their connection to their identity and to Israel develops almost imperceptibly, and many only recognize its significance at the end of the program, looking back with gratitude. This mutual contribution is at the heart of Masa.
A few months ago, I had lunch at a conference with a funder for whom I have deep appreciation. She asked me: “What is the single most important thing we can do for Israel in these trying days?”
My response was automatic: “Help bring more people to Israel. It benefits the country, but more importantly, it leaves a lifelong impact on the people who come here.”
I left that lunch releasing that if this was my automatic and fast reply, it is evidence to how much I believe in it.
Two hours later, I applied for the role of CEO of Masa Israel Journey. Programs in Israel have always been important, particularly long-term ones, but their importance has been magnified tenfold this past year. I am committed to driving Masa forward, enabling more and more young Jews from around the world to experience Israel and themselves through this transformative lens.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832722
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Trump, Israel Must Realize That Assad’s Fall Will Change The Reality In Iran
By Yossi Mansharoff
December 10, 2024
Incoming US president Donald Trump’s statement that he does not intend to intervene in the war in Syria because “it’s not our war” reflects a narrow perspective; a broader regional vision is necessary.
The rebel factions in Syria eventually conquered Damascus and ousted Bashar al-Assad’s regime. The dramatic changes in Syria harm Iran’s strategic assets in the region, including the Al-Bukamal border crossing between Iraq and Syria, a central choke point in Iran’s land corridor to Hezbollah.
Only a few days ago, the Axis of Resistance signaled its high motivation to save Assad’s regime, as senior officials in Iran’s proxy network have declared their commitment to fight fiercely for the former president.
Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem stated in a speech on Thursday that Hezbollah would stand with Assad as much as it can, alongside the Syrian army.
Similarly, Qais al-Khazali, leader of the Iraqi Shi’ite militia Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, announced last Wednesday that his forces would not allow the Shrine of Zaynab in Damascus to fall into Sunni rebel hands.
Afghan fighters from the Fatemiyoun militia, supported by Iran’s IRGC Quds Force, have also been seen on the ground, attempting unsuccessfully to halt the rebels’ progress.
Despite these efforts, Assad’s regime quickly collapsed without any assistance by Moscow or Tehran to prevent it. In these dramatic hours, eyes turn to Iran, which views Syria as the “main link” in a chain stretching from Tehran to Beirut.
Even in earlier stages of the Syrian civil war, in February 2013, Mehdi Khazali, a member of a think tank advising Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, stated that Tehran could afford to lose its oil-rich southern Khuzestan province, but not Syria. He argued that Syria’s fall would eventually lead to Tehran’s downfall.
Since then, Iranian officials have repeatedly described the war in Syria as part of an “American-Israeli plot” aimed at Iran. The astonishment gripping Tehran is therefore evident.
At this critical juncture, the Islamic Republic lacked Qasem Soleimani, who, as commander of the Quds Force, orchestrated Iran’s proxy forces with strategic skill and efficiency. Recent dissatisfaction with his successor, Esmail Qaani, has surfaced in Tehran, accompanied by nostalgia for Soleimani and too-late calls for urgent action in Syria.
Criticism of Iran
Criticism is also mounting regarding the delayed retaliation against Israel, with Iranians mocking the Khamenei-led regime on social media.
Hezbollah’s difficulties in supporting Assad are evident, given the severe blow it suffered at the hands of Israel. The specific reasons for Iran’s inability to assist Assad effectively remain unclear but are expected to become clearer in the coming days.
In any case, Trump will soon realize that Assad’s fall will resonate throughout the region, primarily impacting Tehran. Amid the rapid regional changes driven by the Israel-Hamas War and the renewal of the Syrian conflict, voices within Iran have been becoming increasingly urgent in their demands for Khamenei to adapt the country’s security doctrine to unfolding events.
Prominent figures, regime mouthpieces, and propagandists are calling for a shift in Iran’s nuclear doctrine, advocating for nuclear weapons development to restore its deterrence capabilities, which have been severely weakened by recent events, including the unprecedented Israeli attacks in October 2024.
Israel and the incoming US administration must urgently formulate a strategic plan addressing the security needs of both nations, given the swiftly and historic changing reality in Syria and its regional repercussions.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832729
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Overthrowing Assad’s Regime Will Not Translate Into Immediate Political Stability
By Amit Sarusi
DECEMBER 10, 2024
Let’s start with the conclusion: Security instability in a neighbouring country opens the door to risks that may lead to economic instability. As of writing this, it appears that rebel forces have taken control of Bashar Assad’s regime. On the surface, the fall of Assad’s regime seems like a positive development that Israel has desired for years, as Assad, to put it mildly, is not a friend of Israel.
However, the pressing question is whether it is better to have a weakened and familiar evil neighbour or an unfamiliar, extreme, and unpredictable one. This situation arises at a complex time when the IDF and the State of Israel are already allocating significant resources to economic recovery following prolonged conflict.
From an economic perspective, the current situation has implications across several time frames:
The world’s attention is focused on the situation in Syria, which works to Israel’s advantage. Iran, preoccupied with supporting Assad, has fewer resources – both physical and financial – to focus on Israel. Additionally, the turmoil in Syria further weakens Iran and its proxies, which have already been significantly impacted by Israel over the past year.
This buys Israel valuable time to invest in itself, rebuild depleted resources, and advance its economy.
Establishing a stable rebel regime in Syria will take time. While the rebels have gained control of Syria – or at least most of it – and have overthrown Assad’s regime, this does not translate into immediate political stability. It is important to recognize that achieving political and security stability in Syria will take years.
Identifying strengths and weaknesses
Concurrently, Israel will need time to familiarize itself with the new Syrian leadership, assess its intentions toward Israel, and identify its strengths and weaknesses. Based on these evaluations, Israel will need to formulate diplomatic strategies and agreements with Syria’s new “landlord.” Economically, the absence of clear political relations and intentions between Israel and Syria creates a security risk, which directly impacts Israel’s economy.
Looking further ahead, predictions become speculative as it is difficult to foresee the situation a decade from now. Currently, Israel faces a clear state of uncertainty, with significant IDF forces stationed along the Syrian border to guard against unknown intentions from the rebels.
The underlying assumption is that a rebel-led Syria will weaken the Iranian axis and its proxies, which should benefit Israel since Iran is a primary adversary. Consequently, Israel’s security situation is expected to stabilize over time, positively influencing its economy.
However, it is still too early to draw definitive conclusions. It remains uncertain who will ultimately govern Syria and what their motives will be. The coming period will be critical for Israel to learn about its new neighbours. Who knows? Perhaps one day we’ll sit down for coffee together.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832718
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Is Turkey Set To Become The New Regional Power Instead Of Iran?
By Mordechai Kedar
DECEMBER 10, 2024
December has not been a good month for Iran and its proxies. For starters, a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah is now in effect, which will see the Lebanese Iranian proxy retire north of the Litani River. Hezbollah will be forced to stop fighting Israel or face the wrath of the Lebanese people who do not appreciate the war Hezbollah forced on them.
If a ceasefire deal in Lebanon was not bad enough for Hezbollah, Syrian rebels have succeeded in toppling the Assad regime.
Last week, after throwing Assad’s troops out of Aleppo and invading his palace, Syrian rebels backed by Turkey have taken over Syria. For Israel, this is a game changer, which may lead to Turkey becoming the new regional power instead of Iran.
This Syrian rebellion, while it has weakened Iran and its proxies, still might not be a good development for Israel.
The Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) organization, the former branch of al-Qaeda in Syria, is spearheading the offensive. The Syrian National Army, which is backed by Turkey, has also joined the rebels. Some of the Syrian rebels who have taken over are radical Islamists, even though they share Israel’s disdain for the Iranian axis.
In a recent video exposed by MEMRI, female Kurdish fighters appear as they are captured by Islamist militants in Syria. In the video, the militants are heard calling the Kurdish fighters “pigs” and ordering them to cover their hair.
Nevertheless, the toppling of the Assad regime is still beneficial from an Israeli point of view as it leads to the weakening of Iran and its proxies.
The weakening of the Iranian axis by the Syrian rebels only enhances the blow that the Iranian regime and its militias have experienced in the wake of Israel’s war in Lebanon and Israel’s retaliation to Iranian missile attacks upon the Jewish state. This will make it even harder for Iran, Hezbollah, and other Iranian armed groups to regroup against Israel in the future.
As the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) reported, “Following the severe blows that its proxies have suffered over the past year, and due to the attacks that Israel carried out on Iranian soil, Tehran is currently preoccupied with efforts to address the damage that Hezbollah sustained in Lebanon and has few resources or soldiers to send to Syria. It is evident that the Iranians were surprised by the rebels’ offensive and their unexpected achievements.
“They claim that Israel and the United States are responsible, as part of a “conspiracy” designed to weaken the pro-Iranian axis in the Middle East even further. At least one senior Iranian officer from the [Iranian] Revolutionary Guards [Corps (IRGC)] was killed in the offensive and Iran was forced to evacuate its consulate in Aleppo.
Moreover, anti-Iranian rhetoric has emerged in the areas captured by the rebels, where residents have defaced posters of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Qasem Soleimani, the Quds Force commander who was eliminated in 2020.”
Azerbaijan
The advantage for Turkey resulting from the offensive of rebels that it already backs in Syria is a more enhanced position in the greater Middle East region than it has held since Azerbaijan was victorious in the Second Karabakh War [2020] and subsequent military operations [lasting until 2022].
Azerbaijan’s victory in the Karabakh region, obtained with the support of Turkey and Israel, significantly aided efforts to advance Turkic influence at the expense of Iran and its proxies. Armenia, backed by Iran and Russia, had illegally occupied Karabakh and the seven Azerbaijani districts in violation of four UN Security Council resolutions over 30 years. One-fifth of Azerbaijan was thus under the control of a country acting as an Iranian proxy, leaving close to a million Azerbaijanis displaced.
When Azerbaijan regained control over Karabakh and the seven Azerbaijani districts, it helped to significantly reduce Iranian influence in the region and enhance Turkic influence.
Azerbaijan also helped enhance the power of secular Islam to the detriment of radical Islamism such as that promoted in Iran, as Azerbaijan is a secular state and every area that it controls is under secular rule of law. Areas that are controlled by Iran’s proxies, even if they are not Muslim, do not encourage tolerance and moderation.
So, with the prospect of a peace agreement, Iranian influence can expect to be further reduced as Armenia has moved away from supporting Putin and will abandon its support for Tehran in favor of forming an alliance with the West and making peace with both Azerbaijan and Turkey.
The Armenians may also revise their constitution so that it is more respectful of Azerbaijan’s national sovereignty. A deal is expected to be drafted soon and when peace is obtained between Armenia, Turkey, and Azerbaijan, this will be another blow for Iran, which has been utilizing Armenia as its window to the outside world as it faces heavy international sanctions.
A peace deal will close that option for Iran.
If December 2024 has not been a bad enough month for Iran and its proxies, January 2025 might be even worse for them when Donald J. Trump begins his second term in the White House.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832715
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Israel’s Battlefield Superiority Is A Result Of Extraordinary Innovation
By Isaac Ben-Israel
DECEMBER 10, 2024
Israel’s success against Hamas and Hezbollah in this war stems from a fundamental principle that has underpinned Israel’s security concept since its founding: the principle of quality. This refers to the quality of both personnel and the science and technology within the IDF.
Alongside the human element, this war stands out for its extraordinary technological superiority. Most of the systems used by Israel – from cyber to artificial intelligence (AI) and drones – are the result of Israeli innovation. The majority of these technologies originated within the civilian ecosystem, with subsequent security applications.
This phenomenon, known as dual-use technology, has become a cornerstone of Israel’s security strategy. Dual-use technologies are defined as those developed in the civilian sphere but later adapted for military use, and vice versa – technologies developed by defense agencies that are later adopted by the public (such as GPS, originally developed by the US military).
For example, cyber or AI technologies intended for the civilian market are now being used to locate wanted individuals or make decisions on the battlefield.
However, the disparity between civilian and security development mechanisms presents a significant challenge.
While the IDF relies on dedicated security developments – such as missiles and armored vehicles – many security innovations today stem from the civilian world.
The security development process is slow, cumbersome, and costly, whereas development in the civilian ecosystem is fast-paced, driven by a large volume of ideas that are quickly realized and with relatively small budgets.
In recent years, security development institutions around the world have become increasingly aware of the differences between these two development environments and have begun to adopt mechanisms typically found in the civilian sector, such as venture capital funds and start-ups.
Defence technology
For example, the Israel Defence Forces’ Research and Development Administration (DDR&D – Directorate of Defence Research & Development) has entered this sphere through venture capital funds focusing on technological innovation. This has contributed to the rise of fields like defence tech, which combines civilian technologies with defense potential, including cyber, AI, drones, and space technologies.
Thanks to the integration of these technologies, Israel managed to neutralize threats on the two main fronts of the current war – Hamas in the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah in Lebanon – within just a few months.
One of the most striking conclusions from this conflict is that the integration of civilian and defense development mechanisms is a key to maintaining Israel’s technological superiority. This bridge between the innovative civilian world and the focused defense world must be further strengthened, and dual-use technologies must continue to be developed to ensure the future of Israel’s national security.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-832712
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The World Owes Palestine This Much - Please Stop Censoring Palestinian Voices
By Dr Ramzy Baroud
December 9, 2024
Social media censorship is a global phenomenon, but the war on pro-Palestinian views on social media represents a different kind of censorship, with consequences that can only be described as dire.
Long before the current devastating war on Gaza and the escalation of Israeli violence and repression in the Occupied West Bank, Palestinian and pro-Palestinian voices have been censored.
Some date the censorship to an agreement in 2016 that, according to the Israeli government, sought to “force social networks to remove content that Israel considers to be incitement.”
This was translated, almost immediately, to the shutting down of thousands of accounts and the barring of many social media influencers, with the hope of slowing down the vastly growing pro-Palestinian tendencies in all Meta-linked platforms.
The war on Gaza, however, has escalated the censorship. In a report submitted to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, Human Rights Watch noted that the documented restrictions on freedom of speech “undermine the fundamental human rights to freedom of expression and assembly.”
The censorship became so sophisticated and increasingly involved a direct Israeli role. To ensure that ‘offenders’ to Israeli sensibilities were eliminated in large numbers, Meta began censoring specific words, thus deeming entire contents offensive, racist and anti-Semitic.
But Meta was not the only social media network involved in this practice. On 17 November, 2023, the X platform (previously known as Twitter) declared that users who write terms like “decolonisation”, “from the river to the sea”, or similar expressions would be suspended.
One year later, the social media platform Twitch followed suit by revising its ‘Hateful Content Policy’ to include “Zionist” as a potential slur.
Not only do these decisions, and many others, directly impair the freedom of speech and press, but they also confuse rational conversations with anti-Jewish sentiments.
The word ‘genocide’, for example, is not a swear word, but a common term, embraced by numerous countries around the world, accusing Israel of carrying out acts of genocide, meaning the “systematic destruction of a group of people because of their ethnicity, nationality, religion, or race”.
Under pressure from many countries, and after presenting a powerful case at The Hague, South Africa managed to compel the International Court of Justice to investigate Israel’s acts of genocide in the Gaza Strip in violation of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
In other words, this is not a matter for Mark Zuckerberg or any other social media company to decide, based on direct consultations with those carrying out the mass killings in Gaza.
The same applies to Zionism, an ideologically situated political movement that traces its history to 19th-century Europe, thus, neither to a specific race nor a religious text.
While many are, rightly, outraged by the fact that this kind of widespread, and growing, censorship directly challenges the main tenets of democracy, the actual harm for Palestinians is much bigger.
According to a November 2024 report by the Sada Social Centre for Digital Rights, the surge in digital violations targeting Palestinian content could not come at a worse time.
According to the organisation, “Meta platforms accounted for the largest share of violations at 57 per cent, followed by TikTok at 23 per cent.” YouTube and X follow at 13 and 7 per cent respectively.
This censorship, according to Sada, includes the shutting down of WhatsApp accounts, another Meta-owned platform that is also tightly controlled.
Unlike most of us, Palestinians in Gaza use these platforms to communicate with one another, to know who is dead and who is alive, and to raise awareness of certain massacres, often taking place in isolation, especially in the northern Gaza Strip.
Regarding northern Gaza, Sada Social spoke of a ‘digital blackout’, which has compounded the horror of that region – famine, mass killing, destruction of all hospitals, etc.
In the specific case of social media censorship in Gaza, lives are literally being lost as a result of politically motivated decisions.
HRW was one of many rights groups that have routinely spoken about the ‘systematic censorship’ by Meta. A December 2023 HRW report identified the following recurring patterns of censorship: removal of content, suspension of pro-Palestinian accounts, the reduction of visibility, known as ‘shadow-banning’, the restrictions on engagement, and the deliberate misuse of policies on hate speech and graphic content.
The danger of this kind of censorship is multi-layered. It is a direct threat to one of the most basic freedoms guaranteed under the law in any democratic society. In the case of Gaza, the censorship takes a dark, deadly turn as it could make the difference between people dying under the rubble of their homes or receiving assistance.
Additionally, censorship of this magnitude often creates precedents and often leads to other forms of censorship that, in fact, are already taking place against other vulnerable communities, whether on a national stage or globally.
While the international community is yet to translate its verbal solidarity with Palestinians into any meaningful action, the least we could do is to give Palestinians their full rights to express their views, share their pain, and raise awareness of their collective plight. The world owes them that much, and no social media company should be permitted to hinder such a simple and reasonable demand.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241209-the-world-owes-palestine-this-much-please-stop-censoring-palestinian-voices/
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Is The Overthrow Of Assad Good For The Palestinians?
By Motasem A Dalloul
December 9, 2024
Yesterday morning thousands of Syrians took to the streets of Damascus and across Syria to celebrate living in a country free of the authoritarian regime of Bashar Al-Assad as the rebels had announced the overthrow of his regime of 24 years.
Opposition fighters entered the capital Damascus around 5am local time without any resistance, quickly capturing the headquarters of main government institutions following the reported withdrawal of Assad regime forces and government personnel.
Russia claimed that Al-Assad left Syria after meeting a number of opposition representatives, but did not reveal details about the nature of meetings or where they were held. It later revealed that Al-Assad had been granted asylum in Moscow on “humanitarian grounds”.
In a recorded video, Syrian Prime Minister Mohammad Ghazi Al-Jalali said that he remained at his home, was ready to support continuity of governance and ready for a smooth transition to anybody chosen by the people of Syria.
Rebel leader Ahmad Al-Sharaa, commonly known as Abu Mohammad Al-Julani, ordered his men to protect public institutions, which would remain under Al-Jalali’s supervision until they are officially handed over to the new rulers.
At the same time, the rebels freed thousands of political prisoners from Al-Assad’s prison, including the notorious Sednaya Prison. Palestinians, including members of Hamas and its military wing Al-Qassam Brigades, are among them. However, hundreds if not thousands more prisoners are seen on CCTV in the prison but cannot be reached.
Now, in addition to the existence of US troops and Russian bases, Syria is dominated by several parties, some of them backed by the US such as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which is the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), designated as a terrorist entity by Turkiye. It has been a candid ally of the Assad regime since 2017. The Free Syrian Army (FSA) and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are also backed by the US. The SDF controls large swathes of northeast Syria.
Meanwhile, Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham – Organisation for the Liberation of the Levant – commonly referred to as HTS is currently the largest opposition body. It toppled the Assad regime and dominated most of the country, including cities such as Al-Quneitra, which includes a buffer zone and shared borders with the Israel occupied Golan Heights.
How do the changes in Syria affect the Palestinians? Some monitors, who believed that Al-Assad was part of a resistance axis, which included Iran, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon and Gaza, expect that the overthrow of Al-Assad will choke the Palestinians.
Others, on the other hand, believe that the Assad regime was no more than a guardian for the Israeli occupation, which is troubled by his overthrow and the rise of HTS as a dominant force in Syria.
As a Palestinian, I see Al-Assad as not just a guardian of Israel, but its defender. The Assad family, which comes from the Alewite minority, exploited the alleged hostility with the Israeli occupation to reinforce its authoritarian rule which was basically based on the oppression of the Syrians, suppressing their freedoms and deterring any real attempts to fight the Israeli occupation.
In fact, this was part of a disengagement agreement signed between the regime and Israel in 1974, ending all the attritions that had existed for months after the Six Day War. A UN Disengagement Observer Force buffer zone was created under the terms of the deal.
For its part, the Assad regime complied with this US-brokered agreement. However, since I was born, I have witnessed repeated Israeli violations of this agreement. The Assad regime’s reaction has always been to complain to the international community and pledge to respond at the appropriate time and place, which it has never done.
This peace agreement, which was the first of its kind between Israel and the Arab regimes, lasted for more than 45 years. During this time, the Assad regime turned Syria into a buffer zone between Israel and the Arab and Muslim nations, using its relationship with Iran as a pretext to pound any resistance attempt against Israel. The Assad regime even took no action in response to the Israeli annexation of the Golan Heights in the early 1980s.
Not only did the Syrians suffer during the reign of the Assad family, but so did the five million Palestinian refugees. During the regime’s brutal crackdown on the Syrian revolution, which erupted in 2011, the regime killed, detained, forcibly disappeared and displaced hundreds of Palestinians.
Following the overthrow of the regime, more than 600 Palestinians were released from prisons, including operatives from Hamas’ military wing Al-Qassam Brigades. Hamas fighters never acted against the Israeli occupation from within Syria, in spite of this, the Assad regime detained them as part of its duty to protect Israel.
Though many highlight that the Assad regime hosted the Hamas leadership and training bases, but that was to reinforce the so-called “resistance axis”, which allowed Israel a pretext to play the victim and fight against an “existential threat” from Iran and its proxies.
Now that the Syrian regime has gone and Hezbollah has been pounded harshly and beyond repair following the collapse of its lifeline corridor, the Sunni Muslims, under the leadership of revolutionary Abu Mohammad Al Julani, will emerge as a major power in the area and work for the liberation of Palestine.
Many have claimed that Al-Julani is an extremist and with him leading the Syrian rebels chaos and instability would prevail in Syria, along with extremist misinterpretions of Sharia Law. The reality is the opposite as Al-Julani, who quit the US-backed Al-Qaeda, has united most of the moderate and effective rebel factions and established a stable semi-state in Idlib where minorities were respected, Sharia Law was implemented in the areas where people accepted it and not implemented where people rejected it, giving Christians freedom of worship at churches.
Al-Julani developed a successful governance system that covered all sectors including the successful military industry. He produced advanced reconnaissance and attack drones, missiles with large warheads and other important equipment that most of the independent Arab and Muslim countries have not produced.
Now, he must concentrate on stabilising Syria and work on a peaceful transition, rebuild state institutions, implement social reconciliations among the different sects and ethnicities, lay down a new constitution and repair Syria’s international relations. Once he achieves this, he can turn his sights of Israel.
No unstable country with fragile political and social systems can engage in a war with any country, even if it was the weakest one on earth. Al-Julani, a native of the Golan Heights, will never forget his homeland.
Meanwhile, Israel announced yesterday that it was stepping away from its peace deal with Syria, claiming that it has “collapsed” and ordered its occupation army to take over the buffer zone in the occupied Golan Heights, Mount Hermon and several areas in Al-Quneitra Province. This gives Al-Julani the leverage to start from scratch with Israel. If this happens, America and other international powers are expected to interfere, at least by spreading chaos in Syria.
The situation in Syria is one which Israel and all its allies have been working to undermine or delay. One reason could be because the ouster of Al-Assad and the collapse of the “resistance axis” is better for the Palestinians than the contrary.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241209-is-the-overthrow-of-assad-good-for-the-palestinians/
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Syria After Assad: The Winners For Now Are Turkey And The West
9 December 2024
The Baathist system in Syria, after nearly 60 years of rule, has been overthrown and Bashar al-Assad has fled to Moscow.
Syria stood alongside Iran during its invasion by Saddam Hussein, and Iran, in turn, stood with the Syrian and Iraqi governments during the assault by the Islamic State (IS) group and al-Qaeda on Syria and Iraq from 2011 to 2017.
The alliance of Russia, Iran and the Axis of Resistance led to the defeat of militant groups and the preservation of the sovereignty of these two Arab countries.
However, at the same time, Assad's government had no alignment with democracy, and western and Arab leaders were fearful and angry about the extensive presence and influence of Iran and Russia in Syria. In any case, the overthrow of the Syrian political system has created a major shift in the region's geopolitics.
In the short term, Iran, Russia, Iraq and the Axis of Resistance will be the main losers from Assad's downfall.
The collapse of the Assad government will be a major blow to the axis, weakening Iran's geopolitical influence in the region.
Syria has been the only land route for the supply and transfer of weapons to Hezbollah, and cutting off this route not only creates a strategic challenge for Hezbollah but also weakens Iran's leverage in the Palestinian issue.
Moreover, the potential spread of insecurity to Iraq and Iran - and the weakening of Iran's diplomatic support - are significant consequences for Iran and the axis.
Turkey main winner
The fall of the Syrian government could also pose threats to Iraq's security, both in terms of the Kurdish region and from the aspirations of extremist groups for Sunni-majority areas in the country, as well as the potential activation of IS sleeper cells.
In the short term, Israel might find an opportunity to further weaken Hezbollah and the axis in the entire region.
However, the activities of new Islamist armed groups at its borders, the rise of Islamist movements and the potential impact on Syria's future stance on the Palestinian issue and the occupied Golan Heights could increase long-term national security threats for Israel.
In the short term, the US and the West will be winners because the fall of Assad will significantly reduce Russian and Iranian influence in the region.
However, the Islamist group that seized Damascus and toppled Assad, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), was proscribed as a terror organisation by the UK in 2017 and the US in 2018 because of its links to al-Qaeda. HTS is led by Abu Mohammad al-Jolani (real name Ahmed al-Sharaa), who was designated a terrorist by the US in 2013.
It is uncertain how the collapse of Syria's secular government and the rise of Islamists will impact the US's long-term interests, with the differing perspectives between the US and Turkey on the Kurdish issue, the ambiguity surrounding the future actions of the opposition and the prospect of increasing instability in the region.
Turkey is the main winner. Ankara may hope to resolve the Syrian refugee crisis in Turkey, exert more effective control over the Kurds and strengthen its role in the Palestinian issue, as well as cement alliances with like-minded groups in the region.
While Arab countries are also pleased with the reduction of Iran's influence in Syria, the military operations of HTS and other militant groups were managed and organised by Turkey, all of which have an affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood.
Several Arab countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Jordan, are opponents of the Muslim Brotherhood and its ideology. Therefore, Turkey's power projection in the region and the Brotherhood's potential future dominance in Syria could be perceived as a new threat by some Arab countries.
Libya-style outcome
Regarding the political future of Syria, two scenarios can be imagined: a peaceful transition to a new system; or a Libyan and Sudanese-style outcome.
A peaceful transition could be achieved if the opposition continues with its moderate rhetoric and actions. However, it is composed of diverse and fragmented groups that have united solely to eliminate a common enemy.
Once this shared enemy is removed and the process of shaping the future begins, their differences will surface, and it remains uncertain how reconcilable these differences will be.
Even if there are no internal disagreements among the opposition, their conflicts with the Kurds and Turkey's stance on this issue alone pose a major obstacle to establishing a consensus-based order. This could keep Syria in a prolonged political and security crisis, similar to Libya and Sudan.
Another important factor is the conflicting interests of the many external actors, who will each try to increase their influence over Syria's situation in various ways.
In any scenario, future developments in Syria will have a significant impact on the region's geopolitics. Therefore, finding a solution that is acceptable to both regional and global powers is crucial.
In April 2017, at the Carnegie Conference in Washington, I proposed 10 principles for resolving the Syrian crisis: 1) Resolving the Syrian crisis through diplomacy, not war; 2) A face-saving solution for all the main parties involved; 3) Serious and collective cooperation to eradicate terrorism from Syria; 4) Preserving Syria's territorial integrity and sovereignty; 5) Preventing the collapse of the Syrian army and security institutions; 6) Forming an inclusive government in Syria; 7) Building a new Syria based on the will and vote of the majority of the Syrian nation; 8) Ensuring the protection of minorities in Syria; 9) Holding free elections under the supervision of the United Nations regarding the new government and constitution of Syria; 10) A comprehensive package of economic aid for Syria's reconstruction, the return of refugees, and other humanitarian issues.
Although there was no receptive ear for these ideas at that time, today, these 10 principles could still be a comprehensive and sustainable package to resolve the Syrian crisis.
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/syria-fall-assad-winners-turkey-west-for-now
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Syria: We Need New Ways Of Delivering Aid Following Collapse Of Assad Regime
Manoug Antaby
9 December 202
The recent developments in Syria with the fall of Bashar Al-Assad regime over the weekend pose a serious threat to the country’s fragile stability and dire humanitarian situation.
The fall of the regime came following a lightning offensive by opposition fighters in the country's north as they seized control of the strategic cities of Aleppo and Hama and most notably the capital city, Damascus.
However, the prospect of renewed fighting between the opposition represented by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the various other armed groups across different regions in the coming days raises concerns for civilians and humanitarian operations, which could suffer catastrophic consequences.
This underscores the urgent need to employ all necessary means to protect civilians and facilitate effective humanitarian aid.
While more than seven million Syrians were internally displaced in the country in 2023, another 6.3 million refugees are scattered around the globe, making Syria’s displacement crisis one of the largest in recent history. Millions of civilians within the country are in desperate need of humanitarian aid, suffering from food insecurity or on the brink of hunger.
With more than 80 percent of the Syrian population living below the poverty line, most are unable to meet their basic needs, exacerbating the country’s humanitarian plight.
These dire conditions existed even before the recent escalation, which will only make matters worse, with hundreds of thousands more people expected to be displaced, and at least two million people in Idlib and Aleppo requiring humanitarian assistance.
Given the current trajectory, the humanitarian catastrophe is likely to expand to other regions, making an effective humanitarian response a top priority.
Political vacuum
More clashes are expected in the coming days, as the Syrian regime has been overthrown, ushering Syria into a new reality after 54 years of Assad rule.
There are growing fears and concerns about a scenario where clashes are likely to erupt between the opposition fighters and other armed groups, mainly the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), further complicating the situation.
Amid the political vacuum in the country, the former prime minister of Syria will be leading the state institutions until a new government is formed, taking several months to achieve this transition. This increases the chances for the SDF and other armed groups to increase their attacks, striving toward expanding the areas under their control in Syria.
Such development would constitute a major barrier for humanitarian organisations to continue their operations, as they have limited access to affected populations, and could themselves become targets.
Thus far, despite international efforts to address the needs of affected populations in northern Syria and across the country, the humanitarian response remains inadequate.
Due to the escalation of violence and the ongoing politicisation and militarisation of aid, the lack of a safe and conducive environment for humanitarian activities has significantly undermined the effectiveness of aid operations. Since 27 November, 30 humanitarian NGOs in Idlib have suspended their work amid deteriorating conditions.
Humanitarian groups also face funding shortages for aid activities in Syria, compounded by factors such as donor fatigue, which has left many organisations struggling to maintain their operations, or forced to prioritise certain populations and needs over others.
Other factors that have undermined humanitarian efforts in Syria include an absence of international organisations in opposition-controlled areas; limitations on access; poor humanitarian coordination; and excessive bureaucratisation of humanitarian work.
This fuels a vicious cycle of instability, as the ineffective humanitarian response drives people to adopt harmful coping mechanisms that could further damage Syrian society.
Vulnerable populations
With reduced international attention on the Syria war amid other global conflicts, and because of the unwillingness of conflicting parties to engage in diplomacy, humanitarian action in the country seems increasingly ineffective. This year saw an 80 percent reduction in food assistance across Syria, according to the UN’s humanitarian office.
Consequently, local actors have emerged as key players in addressing the needs of vulnerable populations, especially as these entities often have a better understanding of the context in which they are working. Still, they face many challenges.
A shift towards contextualised humanitarian action is thus imperative, with an emphasis on the evolving power dynamics of the conflict. Civilian protection and welfare must be at the core of this strategy.
The opposition fighters and SDF are vying not only for power, but also for legitimacy - and yet, they tend not to trust the presence of local and international humanitarian groups.
Engaging both sides in humanitarian efforts, and giving them the responsibility to assist populations in areas under their control, could yield a pragmatic “win-win” by guaranteeing some degree of legitimacy for these actors, while ending the state of humanitarian paralysis for civilians.
This approach does not suggest that parties involved in armed conflicts must always be integrated into the international humanitarian system. Rather, recent developments in Syria require a practical response and realistic strategies to ensure humanitarian access for all civilians, in the face of increasingly complex conditions.
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/syria-post-assad-need-rethink-aid-why
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Syria’s Liberation Marks A New Dawn After Decades Of Darkness
By Tasnim Nazeer
December 9, 2024
The fall of Bashar Al-Assad’s regime marks the end of 54 years of brutal oppression under the Assad family. For millions of Syrians, the liberation of Damascus is not just a military victory but the dawn of a new era, one filled with hope, freedom and justice. This historic moment has inspired celebrations not only in Syria but also across the Muslim world, where the downfall of one of the region’s most notorious dictators has resonated deeply.
For over a decade, the Assad regime wielded violence as its primary tool of control, beginning with its vicious crackdown on peaceful protests in 2011. The price of resistance was steep: nearly 500,000 lives lost, cities reduced to rubble, and an unimaginable humanitarian crisis that displaced 14 million Syrians — half of the country’s population. Almost seven million fled the country entirely, creating one of the largest refugee crises of our time.
Assad’s reign was defined by atrocities that left deep scars on the Syrian people. The infamous Sednaya Prison, a symbol of the regime’s cruelty, housed thousands who were tortured, starved and executed. Amnesty International estimates that at least 13,000 people were hanged there between 2011 and 2016. Families lived in terror, knowing that a loved one taken to Sednaya might never return. Across Syria, at least 113,000 people were forcibly disappeared, vanishing into a grim void of state violence.
The suffering under Assad was not limited to the past 13 years. The shadow of the 1982 Hama massacre — when the regime slaughtered up to 40,000 civilians in a single uprising — still loomed over the nation. Chemical weapons, barrel bombs and mass starvation sieges became Assad’s hallmark during the Syrian revolution. His tools of war were designed not just to kill, but to instil a paralyzing fear in the hearts of millions.
But now, Syria is free. The toppling of Assad signifies more than just the end of his rule; it is the end of an era of tyranny that has defined the lives of multiple generations. As opposition forces open the doors of Syria’s prisons, families are being reunited after years of separation. The streets of Damascus and other cities are alive with jubilation, as Syrians embrace loved ones they thought they might never see again.
For Syrian refugees around the world, the prospect of returning home for the first time in years has reignited hope. In Lebanon, Syrians are celebrating en masse, dreaming of rebuilding their lives and their homeland. Their resilience, even in exile, has been a testament to the unyielding spirit of a people who refused to accept oppression as their destiny.
The fall of Assad is also a moment of reckoning for the global Muslim community. For years, the plight of Syrians under his rule served as a tragic symbol of oppression. Now, his defeat stands as a victory for those who have fought and prayed for justice. The liberation of Syria reminds us that no tyrant, no matter how entrenched, can escape accountability forever.
Yet, amid the celebrations, the challenges ahead are daunting. The remnants of Assad’s regime, the devastation of war, and the fractured state of Syrian society will take years, if not decades, to heal. Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have urged the new governing forces to prioritise justice over retribution.
The future of Syria must be built on inclusivity, democracy and accountability. It is incumbent upon the opposition leaders now in power to chart a course that respects the dignity and rights of all Syrians, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or political affiliation. Only by doing so can Syria emerge from the ashes of war as a nation united in victory.
For Syrians who I spoke to like Ahmed from Damascus, who dream of rebuilding their destroyed cities, and Zainab Hameed, who returned to her liberated hometown for the first time in years, the road ahead will be long. But it will also be filled with possibilities that were unimaginable under Assad’s rule.
Syria’s liberation is not just a victory for its people; it is a victory for humanity’s unrelenting quest for freedom. May this new chapter be one of justice, peace and prosperity for a nation that has suffered far too long. As Syrians take their first steps into a brighter future, the world must stand with them, ensuring that the promise of this historic moment is fulfilled.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241209-syrias-liberation-marks-a-new-dawn-after-decades-of-darkness/
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The Syrians Have Been Waiting For This Day For Decades
By Jamal Ahmad
December 9, 2024
The Syrians have been waiting for this day ever since the Baath Party took power in the 1960s, since when they have been oppressed and humiliated. When Hafez Al-Assad became president in 1971, he signalled the beginning of a very dark era indeed. He killed political life through his authoritarian regime, using a formal cover known as the National Progressive Front. This included paper entities designed to give a façade of legitimacy to “collective” rule.
The Baath Party still resembles the totalitarian Soviet Union and North Korea, under the pillars of the Syrian triangle of tyranny: the party, the army and the sect. Among Assad Senior’s brutal acts to silence and intimidate the Syrian people was the 1982 Hama Massacre, in which the regime’s security forces massacred tens of thousands of Syrians.
The tyranny was crowned by the passing of the reins of power to Assad Junior, Bashar, in 2000. He developed the state’s oppression and tyranny. In 2011, he responded with the full force of his army against initially peaceful demonstrations calling for democratic freedoms. The result was nothing short of mass murder, as conventional and non-conventional weapons were used against civilians.
In 2016, the Assad regime only survived due to the support of Russia and Iran. However, the revolutionaries — tens of thousands of battle-hardened fighters, organised and experienced —waited for the right moment to strike. The regime, weakened by corruption, fatigue and a lack of resources, was already on the brink. Iran and Russia, once its main backers, had themselves grown weaker and could no longer provide the necessary support.
The structure of the regime began to crumble from within, exposed as it was to a reorganised and more determined opposition. Many members of the opposition forces have had first-hand experience of the regime’s brutality, including torture, and were displaced from their homes around Syria. Their primary goal was to return home, but they also ignited uprisings in the southern provinces of Daraa and Suwayda, rallying others to join them on the road to Damascus. This marked the beginning of the final chapter of the Assad regime and its downfall.
Assad’s ultimately fatal crime was to reject a peaceful and organised transfer of power; opportunities for a political solution were ignored. The opposition has demonstrated greater awareness and foresight than many politicians, showing that they have plans for Syria’s future.
The hope is that Syria will now become a free country for all of its people. I am hopeful that this revolution will succeed, serving as a beacon for the Arab Spring and a symbol of resilience after thirteen long years. There is no doubt that many Arab dictatorships will attempt to thwart the nascent government now in Damascus, because they fear the spread of freedom and justice. It is the duty of all free people to support this revolution and ensure its success, with the ultimate goal of a free Syria.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241209-the-syrians-have-been-waiting-for-this-day-for-decades/
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Syrians Must Be Allowed To Shape Their Own Future
Lara Setrakian
December 09, 2024
This is a time of immense hope for Syrians. Many are celebrating and will continue to rejoice at the fall of Bashar Assad.
They are entitled to their euphoria, along with a deep sense of relief. Hundreds of thousands of people died either fighting Assad’s rule or fighting to defend it, with people on both sides irreparably scarred by one man’s addiction to power. Millions of good people lost their homes or were forced to live in exile, separated from their families and afraid to return. When the prison gates were opened at Sednaya and thousands of Syrians stepped out into the sunlight — many having long been brutalized and presumed dead — it was symbolic of the country’s new life.
But there are also scores of Syrians, even outside the fading circle of regime loyalists, who are worried about what comes next. On the battlefield, the Syrian civil war was won by an array of militant groups, dominated by Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham. This group is a coalition of factions that range from conservative to ultraconservative. HTS was formed a decade ago as Jabhat Al-Nusra, one of the many militias that were popping up across northern Syria. They were startup organizations in the dozens, all competing to prove their credentials. Syrians would joke about the rookie fighters growing out their beards to look more authentic in their brigade formation videos — effectively fundamentalist commercials that were uploaded to YouTube in the hope of attracting funds from conservative patrons abroad.
Among these groups, Jabhat Al-Nusra was always one of the strongest. And yet, if anyone had suggested back then that it would go on to topple the 50-year-old Assad regime, it would have drawn a chuckle. But we are not witnessing the same revolution that started in 2011. The twists, turns and evolutions have matured the players on the ground. HTS softened its tone and disavowed its original ties to Al-Qaeda. But it is still rooted in an authoritarian model. It has transitioned to supporting a de facto regional government in Idlib, with multiple revenue streams and an ability to lead a coalition of militant factions to create a larger fighting force. Already a bastion of social conservatism, Idlib was reshaped according to its vision; children there are now taught a sharply Islamist curriculum in gender-segregated schools.
HTS does not control all of Syria, but it has proven that it can control strategic arteries and swaths of Syrian territory. That, alongside taking credit for Assad’s fall, has given the organization an ability to dictate outcomes and policies in a future government.
There are reasons to be hopeful and see promising ingredients for building a future state — an opportunity only made possible by Assad’s exit. The state bureaucracy, outside of the military and intelligence services, could be strong enough to continue to operate. Talented Syrian technocrats could be persuaded to stay or to return. A generation of Syrians who have lived and studied abroad since the start of the war could bring their skills back home. They simply need to be convinced that the country that is being shaped by HTS, an avowed champion of political Islam, will be one that has space for them to flourish. Its early statements have assured women of their freedoms and encouraged Syrians abroad to return. Now, the Syrian people need to forge a national consensus — an economic-political pact that can unite the country and create momentum.
Syrians have shown over the past 13 years that they have the pragmatism and adaptability to build in a time of chaos. New institutions like the White Helmets and Local Coordination Committees grew from civil society initiatives to deliver humanitarian relief, conduct search and rescue operations and manage trash collections in areas with no formal government. Hybrid charitable foundations backed by the Syrian diaspora have provided medical care, while others like Jusoor, Karam Foundation and Syrian Youth Empowerment built educational programs that have resulted in broad, diverse networks of Syrian professionals. What started out as emergency response mechanisms over more than a decade of war have developed into a blueprint for finding consensus and a common vision for the country.
Having done all this, Syrians are well aware that the near-term risks are acute as the country finds its new form. The US dollar and, more frequently, the Turkish lira have become commonly used currency.
Plans for transitional justice have been years in the making, but now that the moment of transition has come, it will test the limits of accountability for decades of regime crimes, corruption and abuse. There may be demands for a special tribunal, but in the meantime Syrians will have to hold back any impulses toward personal retribution.
Syrians will also have to fix a country plagued by socioeconomic depression, mass displacement and drug abuse entwined with the captagon trade. There will have to be detailed plans for demobilization, giving tens of thousands of Syrian militants an alternative job pathway, if not integrating them into the formal state structure. Above all, in terms of physical danger, they will need to manage the risk of militant infighting. There is no shortage of warlords who have drawn power and wealth from the conditions of chaos. There are militant groups in the south and north of Syria with enough heft to challenge HTS, should their interests collide. If outside powers decide to back competing groups, they will risk fueling an ongoing proxy war at the expense of Syrians who have already suffered enough.
For decades, the Syrian Arab Republic was brutally controlled; now, the challenge is to make sure it does not spiral out of control. There is some hope that HTS will pursue the path of accommodation and balance. Syrians should be given the chance to forge that balance and shape their own future, with all the challenges it holds.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2582447
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Genuine Solidarity With Palestinians Is Not Conditional
Dr. Ramzy Baroud
December 09, 2024
A new kind of unity around Palestine is finally finding its way to the solidarity movement worldwide. The reason behind this unity is obvious: Gaza.
The world’s first livestreamed genocide and the growing spontaneous compassion, thus solidarity, with the Palestinian victims have helped recenter priorities from the typical political and ideological conflicts back to where they should have always remained: the plight of the Palestinian people.
In other words, it is the sheer criminality of Israel, the steadfastness, resilience and dignity of the Palestinians, and the genuine love of Palestine by ordinary people that have imposed themselves on the rest of the world.
While many solidarity groups, despite their differences, always found margins for unity around Palestine, many did not. Instead of rallying in support of a Palestinian justice-based discourse, mainly focused on ending the Israeli occupation, dismantling apartheid and obtaining full Palestinian rights, many groups rallied around their own ideological, political and often personal priorities. This led to deep divisions and, ultimately, the unfortunate splintering of what was meant to be a single global movement.
Though many rightly claim that the movement suffered dire consequences as a result of the Syrian war and other conflicts linked to the so-called Arab Spring, in truth, it was historically prone to divisions long before the recent upheavals in the Middle East.
The collapse of the Soviet Union left permanent scars on all progressive movements across the world. In the words of Domenico Losurdo, “Western Marxists” retreated to their academic hubs and “Eastern Marxists” were left to fight the scourges of the US-led “new world order” alone.
The Balkanization of the socialist movement globally, but mainly in Western countries, can still be seen in the views of many socialist groups regarding the events underway in Palestine and of their proscribed “solutions” to the Israeli occupation.
Whether these so-called solutions are pertinent or not, they are of very little value to the struggle of the Palestinians on the ground. After all, these magic formulas are often developed in Western academic laboratories, with little or no connection to the events underway in Jenin, Khan Yunis or Jabaliya.
Additionally, there is the problem of transnational solidarity. This type of solidarity is simply conditioned on the expected return of an equal amount of solidarity in the form of political reciprocity. This notion is a misinformed application of the concept of intersectionality, as in various disaffected groups offering mutual solidarity to amplify their collective voice and advance their interests.
While intersectionality at a global level is hardly functional, let alone tested — interstate relations are usually governed by political strategy, national interests and geopolitical formations — intersectionality within a national and local framework is very much possible. For the latter to carry meaning, however, it requires an organic understanding of the struggles of each group, a degree of social immersion and genuine love and compassion for one another.
In the case of Palestine, however, this noble idea is often conflated with negotiable and transactional solidarity, which might work at the political stage, especially during times of elections, but rarely helps cement long-term bonds between oppressed communities.
The ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza has certainly helped many groups expand the margins of unity so that they may work together to bring the extermination of Gaza to an end and to hold Israeli war criminals accountable in any way possible. This positive sentiment, however, must continue long after the end of the genocide, until the Palestinian people are finally free from the yoke of Israeli settler colonialism.
The point here is that we already have numerous reasons to find and maintain unity around Palestine, without laboring to find ideological, political or any other kind of common ground.
The Israeli settler-colonial project is just a manifestation of Western colonialism and imperialism in their classical definitions. The genocide in Gaza is no different to the genocide of the Herero and Nama people of Namibia at the turn of the 20th century and US-Western interventionism in Palestine is no different to the destructive role played by Western countries in Vietnam and numerous other contested spaces all over the world.
Placing the Israeli occupation of Palestine in a colonial framework has helped many liberate themselves from confused notions about Israel’s “inherent” rights over the Palestinians. Indeed, there can be no justification for the existence of Israel as an exclusively “Jewish state” in a land that belonged to the native Palestinian people.
By the same token, the much-touted Israeli “right to self-defense” — a notion that even some “progressives” continue to parrot — does not apply to military occupiers in an active state of aggression or those carrying out genocide.
Keeping the focus on Palestinian priorities also has other benefits, including that of moral clarity. Those who do not find the rights of the Palestinian people compelling enough to develop a united front were never intended to be part of the movement in the first place, thus their “solidarity” is superficial.
The road to Palestinian liberation can only go through Palestine itself and, more specifically, the clarity of purpose of the Palestinian people who, more than any other nation in modern times, have paid and continue to pay the highest price for their freedom.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2582371
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Assad’s Downfall And Fate Decided In Damascus
Ghassan Charbel
December 09, 2024
The long night in Damascus was nothing short of seismic. Opponents could not have predicted the rapid collapse of the Syrian regime. The army was not prepared to fight the opposition advance that was gaining momentum. Russia did not want to get involved and Hezbollah was exhausted.
Bashar Assad saw the writing on the wall. It happens. The errors committed by the ruler accumulated and he had no other choice than to seek exile. So, he got on that plane and left.
Syria on Sunday woke up to a new and unbelievable reality. It did not find the man who had been in power for 24 years. The man who was believed to be different and who would not face the same fate as others. No one believed that the American tanks would advance and tear down his statues like they did to Saddam Hussein’s statues in Baghdad. He was not worried as he watched Libyans chase down Muammar Qaddafi and end his life and years of rule.
It never occurred to him that he could face the same fate as Ali Abdullah Saleh at the hands of the Houthis. He dismissed the scenes of Hosni Mubarak in court. He never believed that he would suffer the same fate as Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali.
Assad was confident that he was strong, different and capable of weathering the storms. Assad believed that he inherited from his father a regime that could fight fires and contain earthquakes, which were many during his long term.
He lived through the earthquake of the Sept. 11, 2001, attack and ordered his security agencies to cooperate in a limited capacity with the Americans. He had not yet developed his leanings toward Iran, but the American invasion of Iraq pushed him in that direction. He feared that the Baath Party’s rule would be the American campaign’s next target after it was done with Iraq. Damascus and Tehran had a mutual interest in destabilizing the “American formula” in Iraq. Syria opened its borders to militiamen wanting to resist the American occupation of Iraq.
The second earthquake would come from Beirut. On Feb. 14, 2005, Rafik Hariri was assassinated in the Lebanese capital. The massive anger of the Lebanese people forced Assad to withdraw his forces from Lebanon. In Syria, there was a growing belief that the country’s influence that was cultivated by Hafez Assad was starting to wane under Bashar.
In 2006, when Hezbollah feared that the Lebanese March 14 movement would alter Lebanon’s regional stance, it went to war with Israel, helping to break Damascus’ international isolation.
In the early 2010s, the so-called Arab Spring swept through the region. Like many others, Assad believed that opening just a small window of change would bring down the entire house. So, he cracked down on the protests and did not hold back in his brutality and oppression. Hundreds of thousands of people were killed and millions displaced. He resorted to barrel bombs and chemical weapons. The opposition drew near his palace, but the Vladimir Putin-Qassem Soleimani understanding helped him fend off the earthquake.
Assad came to power in the year 2000, six months after Putin assumed control of Russia and the international scene and less than three years before Recep Tayyip Erdogan would arrive on the scene in Turkiye. Add Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei into the mix and you get an idea of the type of men who left their mark on Assad’s fate.
One day, Putin did not hesitate to criticize Assad’s mistakes in front of an Iraqi delegation who had complained about the Syrian ruler. But Putin’s calculations would change when he decided to crown the capture of Crimea by establishing a foothold on the Mediterranean. And so, he allowed Russia’s aerial intervention in Syria.
Assad and Recep Tayyip Erdogan had a strange relationship. They got along very well at first but, after falling out, they never saw eye to eye again. So, Assad turned to Hassan Nasrallah. Hezbollah became more powerful than the Syrian army, deepening tensions in Syria.
When Yahya Sinwar launched his Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, Nasrallah soon followed by declaring a “support front.” Assad tried to keep a distance from the developments. He played a big game with a hostile player called Benjamin Netanyahu, who would have a say in deciding Assad’s fate. Netanyahu destroyed Gaza and then shifted to the timing of the American elections to take out the Hezbollah leadership.
Balances were upended. In Idlib, Assad’s opponents were waiting for the right opportunity to pounce. They never believed in the “de-escalation” agreement and “Trump time.” Erdogan chose to punish Assad, who repeatedly refused offers to hold a meeting. He punished Assad and Syria’s Kurds as well.
Ahmed Al-Sharaa, known as Abu Mohammed Al-Golani, lit the spark. The still waters became a flood that swept Aleppo, Hama, Homs and Damascus. Soleimani and Nasrallah were no longer there to help Assad. The supreme leader did not have an answer and Putin was mired in the bloodbath in Ukraine.
Fates were decided in Damascus during that long night. It changed the fate of Syria and its regional position. It changed the regional scene. It severed the route of exporting the revolution and the smuggling of rockets from Tehran to Beirut. Hezbollah was brought down to size from its regional role to returning to UN Security Council Resolution 1701. One night in Damascus changed balances in Lebanon.
The scene was different yesterday. Syria is without Assad and without Hezbollah. Assad got on that plane and left. An entire era is over. The president left Syria and the region is left to grapple with the “day after” and its challenges.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2582402
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