Religion: Kashmir's Fast Track to Fame, Cash, And Power

By Mushtaq Ul Haq Ahmad Sikander, New Age Islam

20 January 2026

Points:

·         Recent Mawa-Hami controversy exposes religion's role in gaining fame, money, and social mobility in Kashmir.

·         Shift from education as primary mobility tool to illicit gains in 1990s conflict, now dominated by religious exploitation.

·         Bakshi era corruption, 1990s neo-rich via insurgency, surpassing predecessors with religious rackets.

·         Real-life examples of unqualified individuals building empires through charities, madrasas, and preaching, camouflaging vices.

·         Undermines true scholars; calls for audits, transparency, and credentialed education.

The Sandeep Mawa-Ghulam Rasool Hami controversy exploding across Kashmir's social media and streets right now isn't some fleeting spat—it's a raw expose of a dirty truth: religion has morphed into the ultimate tool for grabbing fame, money, and social mobility. As the dust-up intensifies, it jogs memories of how faith gets weaponized by the cunning. "As the Mawa and Hami controversy is going on I remember how religion is being used to attain fame, money and social mobility." Samuel Johnson's line rings truer than ever: "religion is the last refuge of a scoundrel." And here's the kicker—those in the know embrace it. "One who intends social mobility should use it. Clever people use religion to move ahead in life."

Think about it. Not long ago, education stood alone as the great equalizer, the single vehicle propelling one person ahead of the extended family and peers. A teacher's son becomes a professor; a villager's daughter cracks the civil services. Hard work, exams, credentials—pure merit. But that era faded. "Earlier social mobility had one vehicle i.e. Education, it could help put others ahead than rest of extended family and peers." Enter the 1990s, when "it was the illicit money and political connections that put others ahead as we had neo rich thanks to the raging conflict." Insurgency's shadow birthed overnight tycoons, and religion? It's now the slickest ride of all, camouflaging every vice.

Kashmir's history lays it bare, a grim parade of imposed elites from Bakshi's heyday to today's pious profiteers. Each wave builds on the last, with faith as the unbeatable endgame. It started in the Bakshi era (1953-1963), when the Indian state played architect. Desperate to undercut the National Conference's grip after Sheikh Abdullah's ouster, New Delhi greenlit a fresh crop of power players. In Bakshi era (1953-1963) the Indian state created new rich to target N.C and institutionalized corruption. Land grabs, fat contracts for roads and dams—these weren't auctions; they were payoffs to loyalists. A Srinagar shopkeeper morphs into a contractor overnight, his kids in villas while cousins toil fields. Corruption wasn't a bug; it was the feature, embedding a culture where proximity to power trumped pedigree. By Bakshi's fall in 1963, the script was set: outsiders anoint insiders, social ladders get rigged.

 

The 1990s insurgency cranked this into overdrive. Militant mayhem cracked open black markets—timber smuggling from Dal forests, hawala pipelines from Pakistan, real estate flips on seized land. In 1990s a new elite in every sphere imposed itself be it religion, politics, education, business or industry. They had backing from either Indian state or Pakistani one and some liaison with both. The neo-rich flashed SUVs and Dubai trips, their rise fueled by double-dealing. Surrendered militants, cut deals with the army, pivoted to civilian empires.

One classic case: One surrendered militant imposed himself on education and headed conglomerate of private education, with nobody daring to question his educational qualification or credentials. No degrees, no teaching stints—yet he ran a chain of colleges, stuffing them with relatives, raking fees from desperate parents. State silence bought with "rehabilitation" perks. It was mobility on steroids, conflict's cruel gift.

But even that pales next to religion's racket. In the 2000s, as guns quieted, God-talk boomed. Smart operators saw the opening: faith demands no CV, audits, or alibis. It is the best model of business because once you adorn the dress of Ulema no one questions your degree, your income or the business you run because religion camouflages all the evil deeds and makes you one of the greatest unblemished humans. I know one such story intimately—a "very poor guy, with no permanent income source." Broke, uneducated, he bootstrapped a charity outfit, baiting hooks with imported star power. He used charity to form an organization. Invited few Maulanas from different parts of India particularly preachers from Dr Zakir Naik's Peace TV. So the money started pouring from poor masses and poor people in whose name money was collected who may or may not have received any monetary relief but the young man got his iPhone and car and few Maulanas around him and few cars that escorted him.

Donations deluged—zakat from shanties, fitrana from the forsaken. Crowds swelled at his majlis, mesmerized by Naik-style takedowns of "Western rot." Luxury hit fast. Confronted on his glow-up—"How in few years he accumulated such a great amount of wealth?"—he grinned: "He said people out of love for his piety donated cars and phones." Piety's perks: a gleaming convoy, iPhone fleet, sycophant scholars orbiting like moons. Then the masterstroke—an Islamic school, madrasa-masquerading-as-empire. He later founded an Islamic school and got all his relatives and family jobs in the same while he fled himself to Turkey and controls his family from there and runs his business too, while he could not even complete his higher secondary education. From Istanbul, he wires orders: collect fees, host iftars, funnel funds. Locals whisper of side gigs—hawala lite, property flips—but who asks? The turban terrifies.

This blueprint replicates endlessly. A north Kashmir lad, ex-shop hand, launches "orphan aid" post-2010 floods. Viral videos, Naik-esque quotes, and boom—Rs 50 lakh trust fund. Now he's got a Delhi flat, siblings on payroll, preaching "pure Islam" for likes. Another in south Kashmir: no madrasa training, yet fatwas fly, weddings officiated for lakhs. Families donate kidneys' worth, spotting his Benz and asking zilch. Religion's magic? It sanctifies the scam.

Cue Ghulam Rasool Hami, the controversy's lightning rod. Similar is the rise and case of Ghulam Rasool Hami and others like of his ilk.  From obscurity to oratory kingpin, Hami's arc screams the script. Fiery takreers on fitna and kufr pack halls; social media millions fund the machine. The Mawa clash—petty barbs over piety—rips the veil: unverified creds, clan perks, opaque cash flows. Like the Turkey exile or militant mogul, Hami's "piety" escorts him upward, unchallenged. Detractors call grift; fans cry slander. But patterns scream: iPhones from "loving" followers, schools for kin, zero quals probed. In Hami's wake, a dozen mini-mes—YouTube ulema, NGO nawabs—peddle salvation for salat.

Why does religion crush rivals? Education grinds: syllabus, exams, scrutiny. 1990s hustles risked raids, rivals' bullets. Politics demands compromises. Faith? Instant halo. Sermon one zakat verse, pocket the pot. Critique it? Blasphemy. In Kashmir's tinderbox, mobs materialize. Donors, mostly poor, fund their fleecers, mistaking Mercs for miracles. "Religion camouflages all the evil deeds"—the words cut deep.

The fallout? Devastating. Genuine scholars—hafiz with hawala-free hearts—fade to footnotes. Youth chase clout, not ilm; madrasas churn rhetoricians, not thinkers. Widows' last rupees vanish into "trusts," birthing bitterness. Conflict-weary souls sought solace; they got sharks. Globally, it's the same: Naik's empire, American megachurches—piety pays. Yet glimmers pierce the gloom. Unsung educators blend Quran and calculus, lifting kin sans sermons. Activists preach non-violence, not vitriol. Revival starts there.

Action time: Governments, audit every "Islamic aid" outfit—trace the money wires, iPhone invoices. Media, grill the gurus: quals? Ledgers? Communities, demand transparency—zakat's sharia insists. Reboot education: free Quranic classes with real credentials, not costumes.

The Mawa-Hami mess? Symptom of scoundrels' refuge. Kashmir's faithful deserve prophets, not profiteers. Piety must elevate souls, not sedans. Until we dismantle the ladder, the climb continues—on our backs.

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M.H.A. Sikander is Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir.

URL: https://newageislam.com/islamic-society/religion-kasmir-track-fame-cash-power/d/138514

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