Middle East Press On Haredi, Zionist,Israel, Gaza, Azerbaijan, Iran, Hezbollah, Lebanon, Hamas and Sinwar: New Age Islam's Selection, 29 October 2024
By New Age Islam Edit Desk
29 October 2024
It’s About Time – SmotrichUrges Haredi Community to Share in Israel’s Defense
Supplying Israel With 30,000-Pound Bombs Could Deter Iran’s Nuclear Threat
Israel, US Face Moment of Reckoning and Must Embrace Their Power
Nature Can Heal the Trauma of War in A Post-October 7 Israel
To The Lebanese People: Don’t Follow Hezbollah, Be Like Azerbaijan
Consensus Reached, Time’s Up For UNRWA: Israel’s Knesset says enough To 'Toxic Aid' How Netanyahu’s 'All Eyes on Rafah' Strategy Became a Game Changer in the War
Israel Wants To Close the Circle of History in Gaza
‘Gaza Is Ours, Forever’ - Israel’s Extremists Have a Plan for the Day after the Genocide
An Israeli Air Strike on Iran Is an Escalation without War
What's Next For Palestinian Resistance After Sinwar?
107th Anniversary of Balfour Declaration Comes At a Bitter Moment
Israel’s ‘Strategy’ Of Ethnic Cleansing in Gaza
----------------
It’s About Time – Smotrich Urges Haredi Community to Share in Israel’s Defense
By Jpost Editorial
October 29, 2024
Yesterday, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich (Religious Zionist Party) took the floor at the Knesset in a rare display of raw emotion. As he began speaking about the toll borne by the religious-Zionist community in the IDF, the weight of his words caught up to him.
His voice broke, and he fought back tears as he acknowledged the disproportionate sacrifices made by religious-Zionist families, many of whom have lost fathers, sons, and brothers on the battlefield. For a man known for his unwavering rhetoric, the tears spoke louder than his words – a call from deep within for unity, a demand for shared responsibility.
Smotrich’s plea was, in part, a response to the mounting frustrations within his own constituency. Religious Zionists from across the spectrum have voiced their exhaustion. They’ve spent months in reserve duty, pulled from their families, their spouses, their children and, at times, even their grandchildren.
The demands of this prolonged conflict are taking a visible toll. Many are struggling, both physically and emotionally, stretched thin by the intense burden they’ve shouldered in defending Israel’s borders. Smotrich’s words echoed their plea: The weight of defense should not rest on a single community alone.
The ideological gap between Israel’s religious-Zionist and haredi (ultra-Orthodox) communities is stark. Religious Zionists see IDF service as an extension of their faith and a biblical duty to defend the Jewish homeland, blending traditional values with support for the modern state. Meanwhile, many in the haredi community emphasize Torah study as their ultimate form of service, viewing it as spiritually sustaining Israel and justifying limited participation in secular obligations such as military duty.
Over time, this has created a divide, with haredim often shielded from the responsibilities that secular and religious-Zionist Israelis bear – an imbalance Smotrich now seeks to change.
Smotrich urges Haredi IDF participation
Smotrich’s plea for haredi participation in the IDF reflects a sentiment that has simmered beneath the surface for decades: that every citizen’s contribution is necessary for Israel’s survival. The Torah commands us to protect human life above all else. In times of danger, it allows even those deeply immersed in religious study to put aside their books and take up arms if it means protecting their fellow Jews.
In fact, the Talmud is clear that saving a life transcends nearly all other commandments. For this reason, the religious-Zionist community has always seen IDF service as a natural extension of its beliefs. For the haredi community, however, the idea that young men studying Torah should set down their learning to join the army is deeply challenging and has fueled resistance.
Smotrich’s emotional appeal must serve as a turning point. It’s no longer sufficient for the haredi community to rely on a narrow interpretation of its role within Israeli society. The defense of Israel, a nation constantly under threat, demands the participation of all its citizens, whether through military service, national service, or other forms of support.
This call to action is not an affront to their values but rather a reminder of an essential Jewish principle: that the preservation of life overrides almost all other commandments. When lives are at risk, the duty to defend becomes a priority for everyone, regardless of sect or ideology.
We stand with Smotrich in his call for shared responsibility in Israel’s defense – a moral imperative beyond military needs. The haredi community, which enriches Israel’s spiritual and cultural fabric, can now embrace this duty to protect. Smotrich’s call may be overdue, but it’s crucial, and all Israelis must rally to ensure everyone shares this responsibility.
His tears signaled a larger truth: Israel’s survival depends on unity. To endure, all communities, including the haredim, must embrace the task of defending Israel, not just for the state but as a sacred duty.
It took him too long to get to this conclusion, but it’s about time. Better late than never. Smotrich, listen to your constituents, and listen to a majority of Israelis looking for a solution: haredi enlistment in the IDF.
Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook viewed military service as a collective mitzvah that requires individuals to set aside personal pursuits to protect Israel. He believed that defending the Jewish people and homeland is a sacred duty that can supersede even Torah study, as it sanctifies God’s name. He established modern day religious Zionism, and this should be your moral compass.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826520
---------
Supplying Israel With 30,000-Pound Bombs Could Deter Iran’s Nuclear Threat
By Eric R. Mandel
October 29, 2024
A Wall Street Journal headline after Israel’s retaliatory strike on Iranian military facilities said, “Israel’s Strikes on Iran, While Measured, Push Region Deeper into a Dangerous Era… Direct conflict between the foes has reset rules of engagement.”
After two massive Iranian ballistic missile attacks and a restrained Israeli response, America is seeking to de-escalate the conflict and prevent a regional war.
Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin warned Iran not to “make the mistake of responding to Israel’s strikes.”
So, how could providing Israel with massive ordnance bombs (GBU-43/B or GBU-57) and the planes to deliver them lessen the risk of another Iranian ballistic missile attack and “reset the rules of engagement” for the better?”
It seems counter-intuitive, but if the United States provides Israel with the ability to penetrate Iran’s deeply buried nuclear facilities, Iran may be much more hesitant to respond to the Israeli attack on Iranian soil or move towards weaponization and complete a functioning atomic bomb.
Why do American foreign policy strategists and the Biden administration dismiss this scenario?
This is due to their assessment of the war between Israel and Iran through Western lenses, and their underestimation of the impact of revolutionary Shi’ite jihadist ideology on their strategies, responses, and actions.
Our experts would do well to listen to the former head of the US National Security Agency, Gen. H.R. McMaster, who spoke about the need to have strategic empathy and the ability to put themselves in the shoes of their adversary, “looking at issues from the perspective of others,” as a way to prevent wars.
When former supreme leader Khomeini said, “We shall export our revolution to the whole world. Until the cry ‘There is no god but Allah’ resounds over the whole world,” he meant it.
That remains the passion, mission, and creed of the Iranian Republic of Iran to this day.
The Israelis are a Western democratic nation swimming in a sea of authoritarian regimes, including one that has made it abundantly clear that its expansionist agenda includes the elimination of the Jewish state and its seven million Jewish inhabitants.
The State Department is unwilling to re-evaluate its misconstrued analysis of the nature of the Islamic Republic, as they are married to a narrative that says Iran will not choose ideology as its lodestar to guide its hegemonic ambitions and genocidal intentions.
Scaring the supreme leader and the IRGC
However, regime change does scare the supreme leader and the IRGC, and they will react to dangers threatening the regime’s survival.
Giving Israel the means to imperil Iran’s nuclear program is one of the best ways, short of allowing an attack on their nuclear facilities, to slow their nuclear program, prevent a retaliatory ballistic missile attack on Israel, and deescalate the conflict.
What would Israel need to provide a credible threat to the Iranian nuclear program and deter Iran?
Transferring mothballed American B-52 bombers that can carry massive, deeply penetrating ordnance would be a good start.
Alternatively, Israel possesses C-130 Hercules transport planes and F-15i Ra’am (Thunder) aircraft, which could theoretically undergo retrofitting to carry 30,000-pound bombs.
Both the US and Israeli intelligence services have deeply penetrated Iran’s political and military structures.
This was best evidenced by Israel’s recent assassination of the Hamas leader Haniyeh in a Tehran safe house and the series of Iranian scientists targeted by Mossad over the last two decades.
The hope is that this level of intelligence would give enough warning if Iran races to a nuclear bomb, but the failure of intelligence to warn Israel or the US of the October 7, 2023, attack has shaken everyone’s confidence.
America must clearly communicate to Iran that any advancement in the weaponization of a nuclear device, including the development of neutron initiators, advanced computer modeling, increasing the quantity of uranium metal for an atomic weapon, or increasing stockpiles of enriched uranium beyond 20% enrichment, could serve as a trigger for a preemptive attack, provided Israel possesses the necessary weapons.
The answer for stability in the Middle East
This could create a more sustainable deterrence, leading to more stability in the Middle East.
Back in 2020, a bipartisan piece of legislation (H.R. 8733, United States-Israel Common Defense Authorization Act) asked the president to consider authorizing the transfer of massive bombs to Israel.
Democratic Representative Josh Gottheimer said it would “help ensure Israel’s QME in the region and secure both of our countries from the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran.”
This was co-sponsored by Republican Congressman Brian Mast, but the legislation died in the House without a vote.
A new Congress could resurrect this legislation and give the next president a new option to deter the Supreme Leader and the IRGC.
The Iranian “leopard won’t change its spots,” but its choices can be managed. In the past, Iran viewed American conciliatory actions, such as the failure to enforce sanctions, as a sign of weakness, appeasement, and an invitation for aggression.
Strength, as in providing Israel with the means to destroy their nuclear program, is the best path to delay an Iranian atomic bomb, restore deterrence, and deescalate the conflict.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826521
---------
Israel, Us Face Moment of Reckoning and Must Embrace Their Power
By Micah Avni, Guy Goldstein
October 29, 2024
Israel’s recent airstrikes on Iran sent a message that reverberated through the Middle East and beyond: Israel’s reach extends to every corner of Iran, and Tehran’s ability to retaliate is severely limited.
This demonstration of Israeli power underscores that, despite intelligence and surveillance, the United States cannot predict Israel’s every move.
For two decades, Iran has projected strength through threats, capitalizing on the free world’s fear and hesitation.
Now, the illusion of Iranian dominance is fracturing.
Geopolitically, this is a game-changer.
The recent BRICS summit solidified alliances, bringing 13 new nations into a coalition that challenges the West across economic, military, and narrative fronts. Think of it as a modern Warsaw Pact: a coalition of nations that are no longer content to let the West hold the reins.
As the leader of the Western world, the United States stands to lose the most from these geopolitical shifts.
For 80 years, America’s supremacy has brought stability and prosperity to its allies, but that dominance is now under siege.
Why does this matter to Israel? Because Iran, the regional head of the BRICS coalition, is a linchpin for both Russia and China.
China depends on Iranian oil to power its economy, and any shift in Iranian allegiance could destabilize China’s ambitions.
Russia, mired in the Ukrainian conflict, relies on Iranian manufacturing for essential supplies.
If the Iranian regime were to collapse, both China and Russia would feel the shockwaves – with Russia’s position in Ukraine especially vulnerable.
The world feels the impact
The wider world feels the strain.
Tensions are escalating between North and South Korea, and China’s stance on Taiwan remains fraught.
Amid this turmoil, the US is potentially just one decision away from reshaping global dynamics.
With Israel willing to shoulder much of the heavy lifting, America has an unprecedented opportunity to reassert control over its strategic foes, reigniting a second Pax Americana.
A win-win situation
Here lies an opportunity not only for Israel but for the US as well.
Israel’s military action is more than a show of force; it’s a reminder of what resolute leadership looks like.
The United States, on the other hand, has lost confidence in its own power over the past 15 years.
Instead of standing tall, it has often yielded to saber-rattling nations, bowing to demands that chip away at its credibility and influence.
Israel, in the wake of the tragic events of October 7, has regained its confidence and focus.
The country is now imbued with the spirit of resilience, reminiscent of the triumphs of 1967.
The US has a similar chance to rediscover its strength, to stop backing down, and to remind the world why for a century “the bad guys” feared the might of the US military and the authority of the US presidency.
This is not about whether the US was involved in Israel’s recent operations; rather, it’s a call to action for America to realize that with just a little commitment, it could regain the strategic upper hand.
The US has shown flashes of involvement, but what Friday night’s operation proved is that even limited engagement can yield significant results.
Imagine what a fully re-engaged United States could achieve.
The decisions Israel and the US make in the coming months will set the course of history for generations.
Now, with Iran’s vulnerabilities laid bare, there is a narrow window for the US to step into its old role with renewed vigor, to lead not from the sidelines but from the front.
For Israel, the path forward is clear: We will defend our people, counter our adversaries, and secure our future.
For the United States, this is an invitation to reclaim its position as the world’s guiding light, to stand with Israel, and to once again become the nation that the world’s tyrants fear to challenge.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826519
---------
Nature Can Heal the Trauma of War in A Post-October 7 Israel - Opinion
By Noam Bedein
October 29, 2024
In the wake of profound societal trauma, particularly among Israeli and Jewish families affected by the ongoing war, I find myself reflecting on a transformative journey my family and I undertook.
As part of our emissary mission with Bedein – Agents of Hope, we explored the breathtaking wilderness of Alaska and the neighboring Canadian Yukon province.
Immersed in nature’s stunning landscapes, I documented several extreme nature resorts and witnessed firsthand the healing potential that these environments offer.
Our experiences in these serene settings opened my eyes to nature’s remarkable ability to foster emotional processing and restoration.
Each retreat served as more than just a picturesque backdrop; it became a sanctuary for connection and introspection.
The breathtaking wildlife and natural beauty around us were not merely aesthetic; they were instrumental in facilitating a powerful therapeutic process.
This journey underscored an urgent truth: we must create accessible retreats for those grappling with trauma, especially in light of the rising antisemitism and recent atrocities that have compounded societal wounds.
The mental health community desperately needs spaces for rehabilitation where individuals and families can reconnect with themselves and the world around them.
As trauma and mental health challenges continue to escalate globally, we are witnessing a significant shift in healing paradigms.
The profound impact of nature on healing
Increasingly, practitioners and trauma survivors are recognizing the profound impact of nature-based retreats and wildlife encounters.
These experiences transcend conventional therapy, offering restorative environments that can calm the mind, relieve stress, and cultivate resilience – benefits that can be found only in the embrace of the natural world.
The concept of “ecotherapy” or “nature therapy” is gaining traction as research reveals its effectiveness in treating symptoms of trauma, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression.
A pivotal study by Bratman et al. (2015) found that spending just 90 minutes in a natural setting reduces neural activity in areas of the brain associated with mental illness.
Such findings illustrate how immersion in nature can directly enhance mental clarity and emotional well-being.
Equally important are the benefits of wildlife encounters.
Research in animal-assisted therapy shows that interactions with animals can lower blood pressure, reduce cortisol levels, and improve mood – crucial for those affected by trauma. Engaging with wildlife fosters trust, lowers hypervigilance, and aids emotional regulation, creating a healing atmosphere that nurtures recovery.
Around the world, programs like Project Healing Waters in Alaska are already harnessing nature’s therapeutic power.
These initiatives immerse trauma survivors – like veterans and first responders – in activities such as hiking, fishing, and wildlife observation, demonstrating the effectiveness of structured nature experiences for recovery.
However, the promise of nature-based healing must be further integrated into mainstream trauma treatment.
While traditional therapeutic settings can feel restrictive, natural environments offer a liberating sanctuary.
Schools, workplaces, and community centers must embrace ecotherapy concepts, transforming green spaces into vital hubs for emotional support.
As Dr. MaryCarol Hunter, an ecotherapy expert at the University of Michigan, emphasizes, “Nature is not a luxury; it’s a necessity.”
This perspective must shape our approach to mental health, recognizing that access to nature is crucial for fostering resilience and healing.
In light of these insights, I urge mental health professionals, community organizations, and policymakers to prioritize the development of nature-based retreats.
By creating accessible spaces for emotional recovery, we can provide a path for trauma survivors to reconnect with themselves and rebuild their lives.
The journey toward healing can begin with a simple step into the natural world.
Together, we can support a new era of trauma recovery – one where nature serves as a restorative force, offering solace, strength, and, ultimately, healing.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826515
----------
To The Lebanese People: Don’t Follow Hezbollah, Be Like Azerbaijan
By Mordechai Kedar
October 29, 2024
As we speak, rockets and missiles are raining down upon Israel, fired from Hezbollah-controlled areas in Lebanon.
Every day, Israeli soldiers are killed in Lebanon, and the Lebanese people are also suffering during this intense war between Hezbollah and the Jewish state.
At this critical time, I call upon the Lebanese people, who have suffered under the rule of Hezbollah for many years, to help Israel topple Hezbollah, so that they can enjoy peace, security, and prosperity.
Hezbollah is a terror organization that has not just targeted Jewish people.
They have also murdered Americans, French, and Christian Lebanese activists who are opposed to the fact that Hezbollah has been extorting, kidnapping, and burning the homes of Christians in southern Lebanon.
Sunnis and Druze have also not been spared their wrath. One of Hezbollah’s victims was Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister of Lebanon.
Hezbollah assassinated him in cold blood because he was opposed to Syria controlling Lebanon.
The International Institute for Counter-Terrorism said, “It is pertinent to note the kidnapping and murder of Suleiman Pascal, a prominent member of the ‘Lebanese Forces’ party, which occurred in early April of this year.
While official reports attributed the responsibility for the murder to Syrian immigrants, there were some who implicated Hezbollah in the crime.”
He is not alone. Luqman Salim is a Lebanese citizen and political activist who was allegedly targeted and killed by Hezbollah for his critical views as well. And the list goes on.
The time has come for the Lebanese people to wake up, so that their country does not become another Gaza.
They should help Israel rid Lebanon of Hezbollah and start to build a peace-loving country like Azerbaijan, which promotes religious tolerance and pluralism for all of its citizens.
A multicultural society
Lebanon, like Azerbaijan, is a multicultural society. While the country today has a Muslim majority, there is still a sizable Christian and Druze community.
The Muslim community is also not homogenous. There is both a sizable Shi’ite and Sunni population.
For this reason, the best way forward for Lebanon is the Azerbaijani model. Azerbaijan is a secular, pluralistic, multicultural country located in the South Caucasus.
Although they have a Shi’ite majority, they respect their Sunni minority enough to pray together with them at the Heydar Mosque in Baku.
It is the only major mosque in the world where Sunnis and Shi’ites pray together in peace and harmony.
Azerbaijan also has a sizable Jewish community, which peacefully coexists with the Muslim majority.
“We, the Mountain Jews of Azerbaijan, have been living in this land for about 2,500 years. During this period, the people of Azerbaijan have embraced us and protected us from danger. If any Jew anywhere in the world feels threatened, they should move to Azerbaijan,” said MilikhYevdayev, the leader of Azerbaijan’s Jewish community.
Azerbaijan’s Jews are not the only minority group that peacefully coexists alongside Muslims in Azerbaijan.
Flourishing Christian and Baha’i communities
There are also flourishing Christian and Baha’i communities in Azerbaijan.
The country is also proud of its Zoroastrian heritage, and many remnants of Zoroastrianism are still a part of Azerbaijan today.
ElchinAmirbayov, Azerbaijan’s representative to the president for special assignments, recently stated to the Azerbaijani media: “Religious tolerance, which I would rather define as mutual respect between representatives of various religious denominations and faiths, and their harmonious and peaceful coexistence in our country, is the hallmark of Azerbaijan and a source of pride for all Azerbaijanis, regardless of their ethnic origin or religious background.
“Our geostrategic position at the intersection of East and West and our ability to absorb and maintain the values of both civilizations allow us to play the role of a living bridge between various cultures and civilizations.”
In this multicultural atmosphere, Azerbaijan also has a very strong friendship with the State of Israel, which continues despite the ongoing war in Gaza and their brotherly ties with Turkey.
If Lebanon were to get rid of Hezbollah and follow the Azerbaijani model for religious pluralism, Lebanon could very quickly join the Abraham Accords and put this war behind them, thus saving the Lebanese people much tragedy and heartache.
Therefore, I call upon the Lebanese people not to allow Iran to build a Shi’ite crescent from Tehran to the Mediterranean Sea.
Stop suffering for the sake of Hezbollah, who only cares about what is best for Iran and its proxies, not you.
Help Israel liberate Lebanon from Hezbollah and replace it with the Azerbaijani model of multiculturalism, which will peacefully coexist beside the State of Israel.
Do this so that your children and grandchildren can have a better life. Liberate Lebanon from Hezbollah’s tyranny.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826513
--------
Consensus Reached, Time’s Up For Unrwa: Israel’s Knesset Says Enough To 'Toxic Aid' - Comment
By Zvika Klein
October 29, 2024
On Monday, Israel’s Knesset sent a clear message, voting 92-10 to finally bar UNRWA from operating within its territories. For many Israelis, this vote represents a long-overdue consensus, a decision born of years of frustration and compounded by the horrors of this past year. This move wasn’t just about cutting off services; it was a statement that UNRWA’s brand of “toxic aid” has no place in Israeli-controlled areas. Israelis, who have endured relentless conflict and heightened insecurity, believe that the agency has evolved into something far removed from its original humanitarian mandate.
What the world often misses is that for Israel, UNRWA represents not just an ineffective aid organization but a security liability and a symbol of entrenchment. The October 7 attack was a devastating tipping point, with reports surfacing that some UNRWA employees were involved in those violent acts against Israel. For Israelis, this allegation confirms a deeply rooted belief that the agency has, at best, failed to remain neutral and, at worst, is complicit in perpetuating the conflict.
The heart of the issue
Western countries have pressured UNRWA for years to reform its educational content, to ensure textbooks don’t glorify martyrdom or incite violence against Israel. Yet, despite these efforts, there is still a long list of grievances: curriculum content that fuels anti-Israel sentiment, lax vetting processes for a nearly all-Palestinian staff, and allegations that UNRWA facilities in Hamas-controlled Gaza are exploited for military activities. It’s a setup that leaves many Israelis questioning whether UNRWA’s presence does more to provoke conflict than to resolve it.
The heart of the problem, in Israel’s eyes, lies in UNRWA’s very structure and mission. Unlike other refugee organizations, UNRWA grants refugee status to Palestinians generationally, allowing it to pass from parent to child, creating a growing population without a permanent solution. This unique policy, criticized by Israelis and many in the West, perpetuates a sense of refugeehood that often feels less about humanitarian aid and more about feeding political grievances. For Israel, this approach is a clear example of “toxic aid”—help that doesn’t heal but harms, creating an ever-expanding pool of individuals with a deeply politicized identity that sees Israel as the enemy.
Israel’s decision to ban UNRWA reflects a belief that real peace requires breaking free from structures that breed hostility and dependency. By taking this step, Israel challenges the international community to reconsider its support for an organization many now see as fundamentally compromised. This moment is not just about a new policy; it’s about redrawing boundaries between aid and ideology, about insisting that humanitarian work should bridge divides, not deepen them. The question for Western donors is stark: will they push for the radical reforms that Israel believes are essential, or will they recognize that UNRWA, after all these decades, might have reached the end of its mission?
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826554
---------
How Netanyahu’s 'All Eyes On Rafah' Strategy Became A Game Changer In The War - Opinion
By Felice Friedson
October 29, 2024
The world last saw YahyaSinwar slouched in a chair in a semi-demolished home, masked in a keffiyeh and throwing a stick at a drone recording him. These were his final public moments.
Followers of the ruthless Hamas chief, who, among other nefarious credits, masterminded the sadistic October 7 massacre, saw him as a leader until his last breath.
Those hunting him viewed his death as a triumph over one of the world’s most wanted villains.
All of this took place in Rafah, a location where, for the past year, the American administration repeatedly warned Israel not to go.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) ignored the warnings and went to Rafah, resulting in the death of Sinwar – a potential turning point in the war that began on October 8.
On October 7, thousands of Sinwar’s minions, Hamas regulars, and, by some reports, any Gazans who wished to participate, invaded Israel’s southern communities, leaving widespread death and destruction in their path.
As many predicted, President Joe Biden, who had previously advised Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to send forces to Rafah, used Sinwar’s death to press for a ceasefire.
The president reportedly reiterated his warning to stay out of Rafah, likely aware that Netanyahu and the IDF had intelligence suggesting Sinwar was hiding there, surrounded by hostages pressed into service as human shields.
A border city that contains Gaza’s sole crossing point into Egypt, Rafah is a vital lifeline for goods entering the Strip and Hamas’s last major stronghold.
It was also one end of tunnels connecting the Strip to Egypt and for some, a ticket out of Gaza.
Rafah became a focal point on social media with a theatrical pro-Palestinian campaign, “All Eyes on Rafah,” meant to draw attention to Israeli attacks on refugee camps.
The slogan and image were shared over 46 million times, aiming to sway global opinion.
For those who see Sinwar as evil incarnate, there is irony in Rafah becoming his final stronghold and the place of his death.
'Where were your eyes on October 7?'
In response to “All eyes on Rafah,” some pro-Israel voices asked: “Where were your eyes on October 7?” Today, Israel feels vindicated.
Rafah will forever symbolize a key moment in this war.
As the conflict enters its second year, with fighting spreading to Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, and Syria, Israel now faces Iran – the conductor of this “orchestra of evil” – alone.
The message from Iran’s supreme leader, conveyed through Hezbollah, is that a hostage deal could follow if Israel ends the war.
Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad-BagherGhalibaf, in an interview with Le Figaro, called for the enforcement of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended the 2006 Lebanon War.
The resolution, largely ignored, requires the area between the Israeli border and the Litani River – a distance of around 30 kilometers (18.6 miles) along most of the border – to be free of armed forces, except for those of the Lebanese government and UN peacekeepers.
Hezbollah’s presence in this area is a clear violation of the Security Council resolution.
Lebanon’s Prime Minister NajibMikati rebuked Iran for “interfering in Lebanese affairs” and trying to impose “a rejected guardianship” over the country.
Still, observers see this as an Iranian attempt to calm things down.
Hezbollah, Iran’s proxy, joined the Israel-Hamas war on October 8 in support of Hamas.
However, with Hamas fractured and waiting to appoint Sinwar’s successor, their current stance is that hostages may be released if Israel ends the war.
Israel is contemplating an endgame strategy for the Gaza conflict, with Hamas’s operational infrastructure weakened but not destroyed.
The fate of the 101 hostages, both living and dead, is at the center of what is tearing Israelis’ hearts out, alongside the need for security at its borders and within its cities.
Continuous rocket and drone attacks from Lebanon, Iranian missile barrages, and assaults from Yemen have been met with bold Israeli responses, including targeted assassinations of terrorist leaders and operations like the “pager plot,” which wounded thousands of Hezbollah fighters.
This deadly game may have reached a turning point.
Iran doesn’t appear ready for a “World War III” confrontation yet.
Meanwhile, Netanyahu stands firm on his position: “Put down your weapons, and the war is over.” The difference now is that he’s offering safe passage to those who disarm and free the hostages.
THE OTHER game changer is Israel’s 100 fighter jet flyover into Iran turning the shadow war into an overt conflict.
While until now Netanyahu has been criticized and vilified with allegations of excessive and disproportionate use of force, the prime minister now finds himself on the hot seat explaining that his weekend mission was indeed significantly lethal.
This mission destroyed missile bases and infrastructure that set back any dreams of bravado for a significant amount of time and answered critics who suggested the mission was insufficiently potent to be worthy of such a reprisal.
With US elections approaching, President Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris, and former president Donald Trump view Sinwar’s death as a step toward ending the war.
Pressure is mounting on the Israeli government to agree to a ceasefire.
Netanyahu is in a stronger position to end the war with more secure borders.
UAVs have reshaped modern warfare, and thousands of tunnels in Lebanon remain a threat.
He cannot leave Israel vulnerable to future drone attacks, especially after one recently targeted his home in Caesarea.
“All Eyes on Rafah” may become the defining slogan of this multi-front war, but it has taken on new meaning.
By eliminating Sinwar, Netanyahu has achieved a key war objective. While this significant milestone grants him some validation, his next steps are no less fraught with danger.
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-826505
---------
Israel Wants To Close the Circle of History InGaza
By Lorenzo Kamel
28 Oct 2024
Over the past year, Gaza has become synonymous with epochal catastrophe. But in ancient times, this was a place of prosperity, a strategic crossroads known as “the way of the Philistines”, which connected ancient Egypt with the land of Canaan.
Gaza is mentioned in the inscriptions of the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmose III (1481–1425 BCE) in relation to his first military campaign in Asia. About 2,700 years later, the famous Tangier traveller Ibn Battuta (1304-1368 CE) visited Gaza and wrote that “it is a place of large dimensions … it has no wall around it”.
In the 19th century, Gaza – under Egyptian and Ottoman rule – was not only an important trade hub, but also famous for its agriculture. Historian Nabil Badran wrote that in the 1870s there were around 468 hectares (1,156 acres) of irrigated citrus groves in the Gaza area. In an 1867 memoir, James Finn, a former British consul in Jerusalem, recalled: “Another hour brought us to Asdood [Ashdod] of the Philistines, with Atna and Bait Daras on our left. I do not know where in all the Holy Land I have seen such excellent agriculture of grain, olive-trees, and orchards of fruits, as here at Ashdod.”
During the British Mandate, Gaza was one of the 16 districts of Palestine and it also encompassed Isdood (Ashdod) – which, in 1945, had a population of 4,620 Palestinians and 290 Jews – Asqalan (Ashkelon), and some parts of the western Naqab (Negev) desert.
When Gaza became a ‘strip’
The idea of a “Gaza Strip” is more recent. It is the result of the tragic history of the last 76 years, which can be summarised in one number: about 70 percent of its inhabitants come from families of refugees expelled by Zionist forces from Bait Daras, Simsim, Najd, Majdal, Huj, Abu Sitta, and dozens of other villages before and during the Arab-Palestinian-Israeli war of 1948.
The 1949 armistice agreement which formally ended that conflict demarcated the “Green Line” between the newly-created State of Israel and what came to be known as the “Gaza Strip”.
Palestinians call the expulsions and the destruction of 418 of their villages, “al-Nakba”, the catastrophe. It should be noted that the expression Nakba was not initially used by the Palestinians. While this is an Arabic word, it was used for the first time in relation to Palestine in the leaflets dropped by the Israeli army planes on the town of at-Tira near Haifa in July 1948, with the purpose of persuading Palestinians to surrender and leave their homes and villages.
It was at that historical juncture that Gaza became the main hub for Palestinian refugees.
In the words of Palestinian author Toufic Haddad, Gaza was “one of the few Palestinian cities that survived the 1948 Nakba … Gaza City became a city that was teeming with all these refugees who were displaced from their lands, and subsequently it became the seat of the first attempt to try and form an all-Palestinian national government after 1948”.
Gaza’s demographic (un)balance
In mid-October 1948, the Israeli army launched Operation Yoav a counteroffensive against the Egyptian forces in the Naqab. As a result, the refugee population in Gaza jumped from 100,000 to 230,000.
Michael Gallant, father of Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, took part in that operation. He named his son Yoav to celebrate the military campaign that, more than any other, changed Gaza’s demography.
Today, Yoav Gallant, along with other Israeli officials, is trying to close the circle of history, this time by “thinning” the Palestinian population of Gaza. A document produced by Israel’s Ministry of Intelligence leaked to the press in late October last year outlined the forcible and permanent transfer of Gaza’s 2.3 million Palestinian residents to Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
This idea is hardly unprecedented.
In 1953, Egypt, together with the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) and the United States, agreed on the resettlement of 12,000 Palestinian refugee families from the Gaza Strip to the Sinai Peninsula.
Following the war of 1948, Gaza had remained under Egyptian control. Cairo feared that the Palestinian resistance, which was growing by the day back then, could drag it into a confrontation with Israel, which it was keen to avoid. That is why, it was willing to go along with the plan, even at the expense of Palestinian rights, hoping it would help relieve pressure.
The resettlement, however, never took place. Massive protests broke out throughout the Gaza Strip, with Palestinians chanting slogans, such as: “No settlement. No relocation. Oh, you American agents”. The demonstrations eventually forced the Egyptian government to abandon the plan.
However, the idea of resettlement of Palestinians out of Gaza persisted. In 1956, the new Israeli foreign minister, Golda Meir, declared that “the Gaza Strip is an integral part of the land of Israel”, while Menahem Begin, the then leader of the Herut party, argued that Gaza “belonged to Israel by right”.
Israel’s then-finance minister, Levi Eshkol, allocated $500,000 to expel thousands of Palestinians to the Sinai. This plan was assigned to Ezra Danin, the same intelligence operative who in 1962 supported an operation aimed at relocating Palestinians to West Germany, where there was a shortage of labour.
After the 1967 war, in which Israel occupied Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank, the Israeli forces increased the efforts to forcibly resettle Gaza’s refugee population. They set up “emigration offices” in Gaza, offering money to those who agreed to permanently relocate. Israel’s transfer policies further intensified in the 1970s: 38,000 refugees were expelled from camps in Gaza in 1971 alone, both to the Sinai and the West Bank.
In parallel, Israel started illegal Jewish settlements in the Strip. Between 1967 and 2005, a “proto-colonial” situation prevailed in the Gaza Strip. A few thousand Israeli settlers controlled about 40 percent of the arable land and a large part of the water resources.
In 2004, GioraEiland, who served as the head of the Israeli National Security Council between 2004 and 2006, proposed that Egypt accommodate the Palestinian population of the Gaza Strip in northern Sinai in exchange for some Israeli territory that would allow a land link to be built to Jordan.
Eiland’s proposal was not implemented, and in 2005, a few months before a stroke put him in a permanent coma, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon removed 7,000 Jewish settlers from occupied Gaza, and simultaneously settled tens of thousands of others across the occupied West Bank.
As EyalWeizman, director of Forensic Architecture, explained in a 2014 article, Israel’s unilateral disengagement from Gaza was “part of the same national security logic of unilateral solutions that the settlements [are] part of – perpetuating and intensifying animosity and violence, rather than undoing them”.
History ahead
Despite the epochal catastrophe currently unfolding in Gaza (and, mutatis mutandis, in the West Bank) and the attempts by the Israeli authorities to close the circle of history, resistance to expulsions and relocations by average Palestinians is fiercer than ever. They know what “temporary” means and are aware that there is no “right of return” for them.
Equally keen to remain are also the Israelis, and this is a further reason why anyone caring about this land and its inhabitants must try to find a way to help these two people live side by side.
How to do so? Acknowledging the huge price that Palestinians paid so that the objectives of their counterpart could be fulfilled does not negate the rights of anyone and is a step in the right direction: a direction which strives to bend the arc of history away from structural oppression, and takes into account the scars and the rights of Palestinians and Israelis alike.
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/10/28/israel-wants-to-close-the-circle-of-history-in-gaza
---------
‘Gaza Is Ours, Forever’ - Israel’s Extremists Have a Plan for the Day after the Genocide
By DrRamzyBaroud
October 28, 2024
Under the slogan ‘Gaza is Ours, Forever’, a large number of Israeli extremists and right-wing politicians met in the settlement of Be’eri, near the Gaza border region, on 20-21 October.
The group represented the who’s who in the Israeli right, far right and ultranationalists. They included Israeli Ministers, Itamar Ben-Gvir, May Golan and Bezalel Smotrich, as well as ten MKs of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party.
The event, entitled “Preparing to Resettle Gaza”, was organised by one of Israel’s most extreme settler movements, Nachala, led by the notorious Daniella Weiss.
To appreciate how extremist this 79-year-old settler is, consider this: on 27 June, the Canadian government, though one of the most stalwart supporters of Netanyahu and his wars, imposed sanctions on her, due to her “role in facilitating (…) acts of violence by Israeli extremist settlers against Palestinian civilians.”
The hate-filled conference, however, was but a culmination of a year-long effort to build a case of why Israel should ethnically cleanse Palestinians in the Strip and re-establish illegal settlements.
The story, however, does not start on 7 October. In 2005, Israel decided to redeploy its forces out of the tiny coastal region. That was the start of the hermetic Israeli siege on the Strip, which led to multiple wars and, ultimately, the 7 October events and the ongoing genocide.
Although the number of Jewish settlers who were evacuated from the dismantled 15 illegal settlements was fairly small – 8,500 – the sense of betrayal felt by the settlers created deep divisions throughout Israeli society.
Chaotic scenes of settlers being forcefully removed from the Gush Katif settlements bloc in Gaza created a national crisis in Israel, and was compared to the forceful evacuation of the illegal Sinai settlement of Yamit, which Israel dismantled in April 1982 as part of a previous agreement with Egypt. But, why the crisis?
Israel is a settler-colonial society, which has linked its colonial expansion to religious diktats and prophecies. So the forced departure from Gaza, to most of these settlers, must have appeared to represent both national treason and a sacrilegious act.
This is why resettling Gaza became the immediate rallying cry for Israeli settlers. Compared to their limited political share of power during the redeployment of 2005, current extremists are now effectively the decision-makers.
While the army remains unclear regarding its strategic objectives in Gaza, the settlers have always been aware of the nature of their mission: the ethnic cleansing of all Palestinians from Gaza and the rebuilding of the settlements.
Thus, quickly, the likes of Weiss and many of her supporters began calling on Israelis to join the recolonisation campaign. “Register, register, you’ll be in Gaza,” Weiss told an audience of supporters last March, joyfully declaring that 500 families had already signed up, according to a CNN report.
Weiss and Nachala are not acting independently from the overall objective of the country’s leading politicians. For example, on the first day of the war, 7 October, 2023, Netanyahu made his intentions clear: “I say to the residents of Gaza: Leave now, because we will operate forcefully everywhere.”
On 17 October, a position paper introduced by the Israeli Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy called for the “relocation and final settlement of the entire Gaza population.”
The report saw in the war “a unique and rare opportunity to evacuate the whole Gaza Strip” into the Sinai desert. Later that same month, the Israeli intelligence ministry itself became involved, with the Israeli news outlet, Calcalist, publishing a document “recommend(ing) the transfer of Gaza residents to Sinai.”
On 14 November, far-right Minister Smotrich spoke of ‘voluntary migration’. In December, media reports said that Netanyahu himself had told Likud party members that Israel’s real challenge is finding “countries that are willing to absorb them”, meaning the people of Gaza.
Conferences began to be organised to gather support around the idea of ethnically cleansing Palestinians. The first major conference was held by a coalition of settler movements last December. “A house on the beach is not a dream”, an advertisement for the gathering proclaimed. The ‘beach’ here is a reference to the Gaza beach.
Even Jared Kushner, Donald Trump’s son-in-law, jumped on the opportunity. In March, he spoke of Gaza’s “very valuable … waterfront property”, which required Israel to remove the civilians and “clean up the Strip”.
The ongoing so-called General’s Plan, aimed at the extermination and ethnic cleansing of northern Gaza, is but the military component of the settlers’ vision, that of ‘Gaza is ours, forever’.
But if Israel has failed to sustain its settlements in the rebellious Strip under more manageable circumstances in the past, will it succeed now?
The settlers are already aware of the challenge at hand. This is why they constantly link their colonisation of Gaza with the ethnic cleansing of the Strip’s Palestinian inhabitants.
Israel’s success and failure, however, will ultimately be determined by this maxim: as long as the Palestinian people are fighting back, Weiss and her fellow extremists will not find safety in Gaza.
Indeed, the native population of Gaza has subsisted in that historical land for thousands of years. If genocide has not forced them off their land, nothing else will.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241028-gaza-is-ours-forever-israels-extremists-have-a-plan-for-the-day-after-the-genocide/
---------
An Israeli Air Strike on Iran Is An Escalation Without War
By Daniel Bashandeh
October 28, 2024
Tensions between Israel and Iran have long shaped the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. Recent Israeli air strikes on Iran raise the stakes but don’t necessarily indicate a path toward full-scale war. Israel’s immediate focus is securing its borders, while Iran is centred on regime survival. What we’re witnessing is a recalibration of power, a shift that intensified with Hamas’s attack on 7 October 2023.
As tensions between Israel and Iran continue to simmer, recent developments have sparked questions about the likelihood of a full-scale conflict. While an Israeli strike on Iran may appear to be another provocation, it is unlikely to trigger a regional war. What we are witnessing is a new stage in the longstanding Israel-Iran rivalry for regional dominance. These attacks and strategies are designed to establish a new regional equilibrium, which was disrupted by the Hamas attack last year.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s actions in Gaza and Lebanon, and his targeting of Iranian authorities in Syria — as well as operations in Tehran, including the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh — have largely worked in Israel’s favour, weakening the “Axis of Resistance”. While Israel’s tactical successes have contributed to this weakening, the more significant factor is Iran’s limited capacity for action. The Islamic Republic’s overriding goal is to maintain power within its own borders.
Iran’s primary focus is on its own regime stability, and any direct involvement in a war could jeopardise that. In other words, the future of the Islamic Republic is not tied to the fates of Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran shapes its domestic and foreign policies with the primary aim of retaining its grip on power.
Ultimately, any decision to engage in war must be weighed carefully with the anticipated consequences. As we have seen from Iran’s two measured responses and Israel’s decision to act before the US presidential election on 5 November, both governments are making calculated, deliberate choices. Neither country is responding impulsively or out of panic. Instead, each is allowing time for stable decision-making and international positioning, reducing the immediate risk of war. The diplomatic channels at play appear to be having a stabilising effect, as both sides avoid hasty escalations.
While its support for groups like Hamas and Hezbollah is well-documented, Tehran will not risk its survival for these factions. The Islamic Republic’s foreign policy is driven by a need to show credibility on the international stage while ensuring internal cohesion and stability on a domestic level. That’s why, rather than rushing into war, Iran’s responses to Israeli strikes are calculated and restrained. This approach signals that while it is ready to defend itself, it is not eager for war. The nuclear option, often discussed as a last resort, remains a tool for regime stability rather than a mechanism for offensive warfare.
Strategically, Iran views Iraq as far more valuable than other regional theatres like Lebanon or Yemen. Iraq offers both political influence and economic benefits that Tehran cannot afford to lose. As a neighbouring country with shared religious and cultural ties, Iraq serves as a buffer zone and strategic ally for Iran. A direct conflict with Israel would divert resources that Iran needs desperately to maintain its influence in Iraq. Losing that foothold would be a significant setback for Iran’s regional ambitions, especially as Iraq remains a vital element of its broader Middle Eastern deterrence strategy.
Economically, Iran is already facing immense pressure from crippling sanctions and internal unrest. The country is grappling with soaring inflation, widespread unemployment and a declining currency, all of which have fuelled growing dissatisfaction among the population. For the Iranian regime, preserving domestic economic stability is essential for its survival. Engaging in a full-scale war with Israel would only exacerbate these economic challenges, worsening the already precarious situation at home. Iran’s leaders understand that their political longevity depends on stabilising the economy rather than plunging the nation into further turmoil through war.
Avoiding regional isolation is another key concern for Iran, especially as it looks to maintain its critical alliances with China and Russia and its membership in BRICS to curb the impact of US sanctions. The 25-year economic deal with China provides Iran with much-needed investment and trade opportunities, while Russia’s military and strategic support has been vital in recent years, particularly in the context of the Ukraine conflict. However, a direct confrontation with Israel could jeopardise these relationships. Alienating China and Russia would leave Iran even more isolated on the world stage, a risk Tehran cannot afford to take as it navigates an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape. That’s why the current Islamic Republic Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, has an intense diplomatic agenda throughout the region to influence regional leaders about the risk of conflict and the necessity of stability.
The uncertainty surrounding the leadership transition after Ayatollah Khamenei’s eventual departure is a looming crisis. Coupled with economic instability and a widening generational divide, these internal pressures threaten the long-term stability of the Islamic Republic. Revolutionary regimes often struggle to maintain cohesion as their founding leaders’ age, and Iran is no exception. These challenges mean that the regime is more focused on ensuring its survival at home than pursuing external conflicts that could accelerate its downfall.
Under Netanyahu, Israel seeks to ensure the security of its nominal borders, particularly with Gaza, Lebanon and Syria. However, he is cautious about escalating the conflict into a full-scale war. The Israeli air strikes are primarily about strategic deterrence, aimed at signalling to Iran that it needs to curb its nuclear ambitions and limit its influence in the region.
Israel’s actions are measured; the goal is to create safe zones around itself without becoming embroiled in a prolonged, destabilising conflict. Securing its borders takes precedence over exporting conflict. The country’s primary focus is to maintain control over immediate threats, particularly those posed by Hamas in Gaza and, especially, Hezbollah in Lebanon and its direct attacks inside Israel. A full-scale war would not only strain Israel’s resources, but also risk drawing in global powers, potentially escalating the conflict into a much larger international confrontation. Israel understands that maintaining regional stability is key to its own security, and its strategy is to contain threats close to home rather than engage in broader conflicts.
The occupation state’s air strikes on Iranian targets are thus part of a strategy of strategic deterrence rather than an indication of a desire for full-blown war. They are intended to send a strong message: Israel will not tolerate threats to its security or allow Iran’s nuclear ambitions to go unchecked. However, the strikes are calculated, aimed at showing strength while avoiding actions that could lead to an all-out regional conflict. The goal is to deter Iran from further nuclear development and curb its influence in the region, without pushing the situation beyond control.
In recent years, Israel has been working closely with Gulf states and other regional powers that also view Iran as a destabilising force. Limited military actions allow Israel to continue nurturing these alliances without triggering a wider conflict that could jeopardise the delicate balance of power in the Middle East. These relationships are vital to Israel’s long-term security strategy, and avoiding a broader conflict helps preserve them.
Political leadership in Israel, particularly under Prime Minister Netanyahu, is tied closely to security concerns. His political survival hinges on how effectively he manages the threat from Iran and maintains Israel’s security. By taking a firm stance against Iranian aggression and reaffirming the US alliance, Netanyahu consolidates his domestic position, showing the Israeli public that he is committed to protecting the nation. His leadership during these tense times not only addresses external threats, but also reinforces his role as the guardian of Israel’s safety.
When examining the political dynamics of Israel and Iran, it becomes evident that the leaders of both nations tend to prioritise confrontation over diplomacy to reinforce their internal power. Their rivalry serves as a tool to secure domestic support and maintain authority. However, a large-scale conflict could backfire, damaging their internal objectives as growing numbers within their populations begin to question their leadership in different ways.
This new stage of their confrontation will likely involve an exchange of limited, yet coordinated, attacks that engage regional and global powers. Unfortunately, the future for Palestine looks bleak, as both nations will likely exploit division and conflict in the region to further their own agendas.
Additionally, the international power struggle adds another layer of complexity. The United States, Russia and China are all vying for dominance, and this conflict could potentially provoke a major clash between these world powers. Currently, global attention is focused on Ukraine and Asia, and there is no clear consensus among these nations regarding the future of the Middle East.
A large-scale conflict between Israel and Iran will only occur if one country perceives that it can shift the regional balance of power decisively in its favour, and if it is backed by one of the major global powers.
For now, Israel is likely to continue pressuring the US and the international community to impose stricter sanctions and further isolate Iran from the global economy. Netanyahu will also pressure the US for more military and defence equipment. Iran, on the other hand, will concentrate its political efforts on regional diplomacy while it manages the three significant internal crises it faces: leadership uncertainty, economic instability and generational divides. In response, Iran may push its nuclear programme forward as a means of weakening the US-Israel relationship and reducing sanctions.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241028-an-israeli-air-strike-on-iran-is-an-escalation-without-war/
--------
What's Next For Palestinian Resistance After Sinwar?
October 28, 2024
By Dr Amira Abo El-Fetouh
When Israel killed YahyaSinwar, did the occupation state also kill Palestinian resistance, or at least weaken it and diminish the spirit of its fighters? Will the resistance groups surrender to unjust conditions imposed by the Zionist enemy to stop the fighting, which Sinwar refused to accept when he was still alive? Those who killed him hoped that he would be removed from the equation so that they could agree a deal to save the Zionist entity from its predicament in Gaza. They have never been prepared for a lengthy war of attrition.
Indeed, they did not even imagine it, because ever since the cancerous entity was established in the heart of the Muslim world, its wars have been short and sharp. This one has lasted more than a year, with no sign of an end, and has exhausted Israel militarily and economically.
Killing the head of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, in Tehran in July, and then killing his successor, YahyaSinwar on the battlefield, weren’t military victories about which they could brag about to their people. They actually exposed their cowardice, despite the arrogant words announcing the political murders. Israelis celebrated false victories.
So, will Hamas accept the ceasefire agreement proposed by US President Joe Biden, which humiliates the Palestinians and disposes of the rights of the martyrs who watered the land with their blood? Sinwar rejected such a deal to the very end, as he fought the Zionists with nothing but a stick until his last breath.
Those who ask this question do not understand the nature or psychology of the Palestinians, who hold on to their land, nor do they understand those who believe in resisting oppression until victory or martyrdom. Neither the Israelis nor the Americans and their craven allies understand the value of the land to its owners because they have imposed settlers from around the world to steal, colonise and occupy someone else’s land to which they have no real attachment. Look at how they scar the landscape with their hideous settlements and apartheid wall.
Hamas will not accept a ceasefire agreement that Sinwar had previously rejected, and it will not budge an inch from its previous conditions. Nor will it release the Zionist captives unless the occupation forces withdraw from all of Gaza.
As for those who counted on legitimate resistance being weakened the after the killing of its leader, Jabalia invites them to see with their own eyes the heroism and strength there; the enemy tanks that have been destroyed; and the occupation soldiers fleeing in terror and panic. This is despite the brutality of the Zionist enemy, which takes its anger out on innocent civilians in its hatred and helplessness.
Sinwar was not the first Palestinian leader to be martyred in battle or killed treacherously by the Zionist forces. Sheikh Izzedine Al-Qassam was killed in the thirties; Hamas named its military wing after him. Hamas founder and leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, a quadriplegic, was assassinated with the utmost cowardice while in his wheelchair as he was leaving the dawn prayer in his local mosque. Then, weeks later, the occupation regime assassinated Sheikh Yassin’s successor as leader, Dr Abdul Aziz Al-Rantisi, as well as Yahya Al-Ayyash, the inventor of the movement’s rudimentary rockets. None of these political murders weakened Hamas or the general spirit of resistance, and nor will they.
YahyaSinwar was born fourteen years after the establishment of the Zionist, settler-colonial, apartheid entity. Neither he nor the other Palestinians chose this fate; the struggle was imposed on them after World Wars One and Two and the carving up of the Middle East by Western powers and the occupation of their land.
None of the current resistance fighters have lived in a free Palestine; they were born in and grew up under a brutal military occupation. The collective memories have been handed down generation after generation, though, and they carry the tragedy of the ongoing Nakba in their hearts.
The early Zionist settlers were deluded by thinking that, “The old [Palestinians] will die and the young will forget.” The old kept the keys to their stolen homes and handed them down to their children, who will stay on the path towards liberation. They have not forgotten, and will not do so. They will in turn hand down their keys to the next generation until Palestine is free of Zionism from the river to the sea.
The Palestinian cause has been reinstated as one of national liberation, not something that can be negotiated away or otherwise compromised. The refugees’ legitimate Right of Return, for example, is an individual right for every Palestinian; no political leadership can give it away in exchange for faux “freedom”. Hamas knows this, and will not abandon its principals in the legitimate quest for self-determination and freedom.
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20241028-whats-next-for-palestinian-resistance-after-sinwar/
---------
107th Anniversary of Balfour Declaration Comes At a Bitter Moment
By Chris Doyle
October 28, 2024
Boris Johnson, the former British prime minister and foreign secretary, is not known for his sophisticated understanding of the Middle East, or for his dedication to truth and accuracy.
In his memoir “Unleashed,” a bombastic account of his time in power, Johnson includes a chapter crudely titled “Selling the same camel twice.” Yes, this is the one dealing with the Middle East, tapping into yet more tired stereotypes.
Johnson recounts how as foreign secretary he showed Benjamin Netanyahu around his office. He tried to convince the Israeli leader that it was in this office, and at that desk, that Arthur Balfour, the former British prime minister, signed the infamous declaration that bears his name. Johnson even took out a ballpoint pen, chortling that this was used by Balfour to sign the document. He was delighted with the impression this made on the Israeli leader.
But in classic Johnson style, he admits he made it all up, and has no idea where the 67-word letter was written, a document he referred to as an “exquisite piece of foreign office fudgerama.”
Yet, this document is no laughing matter, not least for those non-Jewish communities, properly called the Palestinian people, who are still 107 years later denied their national rights. The Nov. 2 anniversary of the Balfour Declaration will feel considerably more bitter than usual for Palestinians. A genocide in Gaza, apartheid, and epic levels of Euro-American contempt for their rights have led to a stage in their history that rivals even the original Nakba for its levels of catastrophic loss.
The contempt of 2024 mirrors that of 1917. Perhaps the greatest difference was that back in the heyday of imperial mindsets, colonial grandees such as Balfour were completely at ease with their racist disdain for the natives of the Orient. It was not the least bit controversial in early 20th-century Europe to be parceling off other people’s lands to other peoples, to draw lines in the sand and rearrange the lives of entire nations.
Outside the massed ranks of the far right and Make America Great Again crowds, many of the 21st-century politicians in the Euro-American world shrink away from overt racism, and pay lip service to equal rights, international law, and self-determination.
But lip service this has been. Since 1980, the major European states have all signed up to the political project of the two-state solution. Yet, for those 44 years, they have also done nothing to slow, let alone stop, the Israeli project to prevent any second state, the centerpiece of which has been the settlement project.
Can anything be done that might atone for this abject failure and historic crime against the Palestinian people?
Britain has a greater historical responsibility than any other country, one clearly that neither Balfour nor Johnson ever took seriously. Arabs are justified in referring to “perfidious Albion.” Britain broke its promises and split the Middle East with its colonial rival France, and sold out the Palestinians to the Zionist movement. As the mandatory power, it facilitated mass Zionist immigration, but refused to allow Palestinian rights and a single democratic state. Britain left Palestine, as it has so many other countries, most recently Afghanistan, in a state of conflict, preferring to run away from a problem than resolve it.
Anything done now would be too late, but it might prove to be a minor corrective to a dismal historical record. For years British politicians have toyed with the idea of recognizing an independent state of Palestine. Somehow the timing has never been quite right for the government. Excuses always seem plentiful and at the ready. Not now, but soon, when it can help the peace process, even though such a process does not exist.
Keir Starmer, the UK prime minister, could resurrect his flagging reputation today if he has the courage to take this step. The British government has it within its gift to recognize a state of Palestine based on the 1967 lines. It could do so tomorrow.
Would it matter? It would not be an epochal transformation, but symbolically and politically, yes. A recognition from Britain as the mandatory, colonial power would be powerful. Other states might follow. Starmer could try to persuade other powers, such as France, to join. It would be to recognize a state under occupation, a state under vicious attack — but that is why it matters more than ever.
The message to Israel would be clear. Do not think that trying to eradicate and build over the remnants of the occupied Palestinian territory means that Israel gets the land. Recognition would show a determination to procure that second missing state.
The unlawful occupation would still have to end alongside all systematic discrimination that the human rights community has designated a regime of apartheid. But at least Britain for once would be pushing back against the colonial project that it started over a century ago.
Who knows, perhaps one day a Palestinian leader will be shown the desk where the letter of UK recognition was signed?
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2577103
---------
Israel’s ‘Strategy’ Of Ethnic Cleansing in Gaza
Dr. RamzyBaroud
October 28, 2024
Under the slogan “Gaza is Ours, Forever,” a large number of Israeli extremists and right-wing politicians met in the settlement of Be’eri, near the Gaza border, on Oct. 20-21.
The group represented a “who’s who” of the Israeli right, far right, and ultranationalists. They included Israeli ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir, May Golan, and Bezalel Smotrich, as well as 10 MKs of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party.
The event, entitled “Preparing to Settle Gaza,” was organized by one of Israel’s most extreme settler movements, Nachala, led by the notorious Daniella Weiss.
To appreciate how extreme this 79-year-old settler is, consider this: On June 27, the Canadian government, though one of the most stalwart supporters of Netanyahu and his wars, imposed sanctions on Weiss, due to her “role in facilitating acts of violence by Israeli extremist settlers against Palestinian civilians.”
The hate-filled conference, however, was but a culmination of a year-long effort to build a case of why Israel should ethnically cleanse Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and re-establish illegal settlements.
The story, however, does not start on Oct. 7. In 2005, Israel decided to redeploy its forces out of the tiny coastal region. That was the start of the hermetic Israeli siege on the enclave, which led to multiple wars and, ultimately, the Oct. 7 events and the ongoing genocide.
Although the number of Jewish settlers forced to leave the dismantled 15 illegal settlements was fairly small — 8,500 — the sense of betrayal felt by the settlers created deep divisions throughout Israeli society.
Chaotic scenes of settlers being forcefully removed from the Gush Katif settlements bloc in Gaza created a national crisis in Israel, and was compared to the forceful evacuation of the illegal Sinai settlement of Yamit, which Israel dismantled in April 1982 as part of a previous agreement with Egypt. But why the crisis?
Israel is a settler-colonial society, which has linked its colonial expansion to religious diktats and prophecies. So, the forced departure from Gaza, to most of these settlers, must have appeared to represent both national treason and a sacrilegious act.
This is why resettling Gaza became the immediate rallying cry for Israeli settlers. Compared with their limited political share of power during the redeployment of 2005, current extremists are now effectively the decision-makers.
While the army remains unclear regarding its strategic objectives in Gaza, the settlers have always been aware of the nature of their mission: the ethnic cleansing of all Palestinians from Gaza and the rebuilding of the settlements.
Thus, quickly, the likes of Weiss and many of her supporters began calling on Israelis to join the recolonization campaign. “Register, register, you’ll be in Gaza,” Weiss told an audience of supporters last March, joyfully declaring that 500 families had already signed up, according to a CNN report.
Weiss and Nachala are not acting independently from the overall objective of the country’s leading politicians. For example, on the first day of the war, Oct. 7, 2023, Netanyahu made his intentions clear: “I say to the residents of Gaza: Leave now, because we will operate forcefully everywhere.”
On Oct. 17, a position paper introduced by the Israeli Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy called for the “relocation and final settlement of the entire Gaza population.”
The report saw in the war “a unique and rare opportunity to evacuate the whole Gaza Strip” into the Sinai desert. Later that same month, the Israeli intelligence ministry itself became involved, with the Israeli news outlet Calcalist publishing a document “recommend(ing) the transfer of Gaza residents to Sinai.”
On Nov. 14, Smotrich spoke of “voluntary migration.” In December, media reports said that Netanyahu had told Likud party members that Israel’s real challenge is finding “countries that are willing to absorb them,” meaning the people of Gaza.
Conferences began to be organized to gather support around the idea of ethnically cleansing Palestinians. The first major forum was held by a coalition of settler movements last December. “A house on the beach is not a dream,” an advertisement for the gathering proclaimed, referring to the Gaza beach.
Even Jared Kushner, Donald Trump’s son-in-law, jumped at the opportunity. In March, he spoke of Gaza’s “very valuable … waterfront property,” which required Israel to remove the civilians and “clean up the Strip.”
The so-called “generals’ plan” aimed at the extermination and ethnic cleansing of northern Gaza is but the military component of the settlers’ vision, that of “Gaza is ours, forever.”
But if Israel has failed to sustain its settlements in the rebellious enclave under more manageable circumstances in the past, will it succeed now?
The settlers are already aware of the challenge at hand. This is why they constantly link their colonization of Gaza with the ethnic cleansing of its Palestinian inhabitants.
Israel’s success and failure, however, will ultimately be determined by this maxim: As long as the Palestinian people are fighting back, Weiss and her fellow extremists will not find safety in Gaza.
Indeed, the native population of Gaza has subsisted in that historical land for thousands of years. If genocide has not forced them off their land, nothing else will.
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2577086
------------
URL: https://newageislam.com/middle-east-press/haredi-zionist-israel-gaza-hamas-hezbollah/d/133572
New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism